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Demonstrations in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic

2021 Brazilian protests
Part of the protests over responses to the COVID-19 pandemic
Top to Botton: Car with a sign asking Bolsonaro to leave during the motorcade on January 15th. Anti-government protests and demonstration in Belo Horizonte, Campinas and São Paulo on May 29th.
Date15 January 2021 – 31 December 2021 (11 months, 2 weeks and 2 days)
Location
 Brazil – 26 states and the federal district, with solidarity protests worldwide
Caused by
  • Mishandling of the COVID-19 pandemic in Brazil by the federal government
  • Dissatisfaction with the Bolsonaro government
  • Opposition to the government's Privatization of public companies and administrative reforms (factions)
  • Economic decline and crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic
  • Budget cuts for education
  • Corruption
  • Economic and social inequality
  • Increase of unemployment, hunger and poverty
  • High Cost of living
  • Inflation and increase in the price of commodities (such as food, kitchen gas and fuel)
  • Police brutality, violence and repression
Goals
  • Resignation or impeachment of the president and its ministers
  • Guarantee of general elections in 2022 (keeping electronic votes)
  • Investigations into government corruption
  • Stabilization of the economy
  • Return of the emergency aid (with an approximated value of R$600.00)
  • More funding for education and healthcare
  • Decrease to inequality, poverty, hunger, inflation and unemployment
  • End to privatizations and administrative reforms (factions)
  • Better handling of the COVID-19 pandemic by the federal government
  • Demarcation of indigenous lands and protection of the Amazon rainforest
  • End to police brutality and repression
Methods
Result
Parties

Brazil Opposition:

Brazil Government


Pro-government counter-protesters
Lead figures
Number

May 29, 2021: 420,000 June 19, 2021: 750,000 July 3, 2021: 800,000 July 24, 2021: 600,000 September 12, 2021: 6,000 (in São Paulo) October 2, 2021: 700,000

  • 8,000 (according to the military police) to 100,000 (according to the organizers) on the Paulista Avenue[3]

7 September 2021:

  • In Brasília: 400 000 (military police (extraoficial)[4]
  • In São Paulo: 125 000 (military police)[5]
Casualties
Injuries5
Arrested49

The 2021 Brazilian protests were popular demonstrations that took place in different regions of Brazil in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. Protests both supporting and opposing the government happened.[6]

It was also the first time in the country when sectors linked to two antagonistic sides (the left and the right) began to protest over a common goal, with right-wing movements organizing demonstrations on January and joint protests with the left through June, September and October.[7][8][9]

Background

[edit]

Bolsonaro's claims and speeches

[edit]

On 5 January 2021, President of the Republic Jair Bolsonaro, meeting with supporters, reportedly affirmed that "the country is broken" and "I can't do anything about it". He also attacked the press, affirming that it "gave power to the [corona]virus".[10] There were many journalists talking about it the next day, and Bolsonaro said, in a tone of irony, that "the country is well, its a marvel", and that "the press made a terrible wave" of his affirmation, with Bolsonaro's opposition later claimed that he was "playing with the country".[11][12][13]

In a speech on 28 August 2021, President of Brazil Jair Bolsonaro said that he "only had three alternatives for [his] future: to be arrested, to be killed, or to win".[14]

Health crisis in the state of Amazonas

[edit]

On January, the State of Amazonas underwent a health crisis due to a shortage of oxygen supplies and with hospitals filled to capacity. On 18 January, the Attorney General of the Union (AGU) told the Federal Supreme Court that the government knew about the possibility of the oxygen crisis in the state, and that one of the measures by the Union was delivering to the state 120,000 tablets of hydroxychloroquine, a drug with disputed efficacy for COVID-19. Even with the start of vaccination against COVID-19 on 18 January, the president again insisted on early treatment.[15] The AGU also said, however, that the Health Ministry only knew about the oxygen depletion on 8 January.[16]

Corruption Allegations

[edit]

'Covaxingate': allegations of overpricing at Covaxin's contract

[edit]

On 23 June, Federal Deputy Luis Miranda (DEM-DF) denounced a corruption scandal involving Covaxin's buy contract by Bolsonaro's government, in a live national transmission of CNN Brasil. He affirmed that he got the information with his brother, Ricardo.[17] The same day, a press conference at the Planalto Palace was organized, aired live by TV Brasil, where the Federal Government confronted Miranda's claims, and Bolsonaro affirms that it was all a typo.[18] The scandal was named "Covaxingate" by some press corporations.[19] Precisa Medicamentos' owner (the company that intermediated Covaxin's contract), Francisco Emerson Maximiano, sent to the COVID-19 CPI a letter that, according to CNN Brasil itself, "denied the brothers' allegations",[20] while Bharat Biotech said Brazil bought Covaxin by the same price as other countries[21] with better purchasing conditions, denying any overpricing.[22][23]

AstraZeneca bribery scandal

[edit]

On 29 June, the Brazilian journal Folha de S.Paulo published an interview with Luiz Paulo Dominguetti Pereira, a Davati Medical Supply's representative. Luiz Pereira said that, on 25 February, he met with Roberto Ferreira Dias, Logistics Director at the Health Ministry, in Brasília Shopping, to negotiate 400 million doses of the Oxford–AstraZeneca COVID-19 vaccine. According to VEJA's reporting on the interview, "To make up such 'group', said the representative of Davati Supply, the representative of the Ministry of Health would have stated that it would be necessary to "add 1 dollar" per dose of vaccine, for bribes. [...] He claims that he refused the request for a bribe. After the case, he would have had contact with the representative of the Ministry of Health on other occasions, but the agreement did not go forward".[24] However, Davati said Dominguetti Pereira is neither a company's representative nor an employee,[25] and AstraZeneca denied having any intermediaries in Brazil, or negotiating with the private market, state governments and municipalities.[26]

Economic crisis

[edit]

Since 2014, Brazil has been in an economic crisis, caused mainly by a political crisis that culminated in the impeachment of then-President Dilma Rousseff, but also by the 2014 commodity price shock, which had a negative impact on exports. The COVID-19 pandemic and lockdowns exacerbated the situation: the GDP of Brazil decreased by 4.1% in 2020,[27] while 18 million fell into poverty, making poverty triple in one year.[28] Unemployment reached 36.6 million.[29] In a period of 15 days during the pandemic, 522,000 businesses went bankrupt.[30]

Supreme Federal Court (STF) inquiries and rulings

[edit]

The Fake News Inquiry

[edit]

On 14 March 2019, the then-Supreme Federal Court president, Minister Dias Toffoli, opened an inquiry (Inquiry n. 4781) to investigate fake news against the Court's members, indicating Minister Alexandre de Moraes as rapporteur.[31] The inquiry was labeled 'inquisitorial',[32] 'unconstitutional'[32][33] and 'illegal'.[34] The Prosecutor General of the Republic (PGR) asked the STF, in May 2020, to archive the case,[35] but this did not happen.[36]

On 16 February 2021, Moraes arrested Federal Deputy Daniel Silveira, for unbailable crime, based on the Fake News inquiry,[37] after he criticized the STF, decision unanimously confirmed by the Court[38] and later approved by the Chamber of Deputies, although with high opposition from pro-government parties and politicians.[39]

Crusoé's article about Toffoli removed
[edit]

On 12 April 2019 (effective 15 April), Moraes censored Revista Crusoé's article about Dias Toffoli, based on documents obtained by Operation Car Wash, where, on 13 July 2007, Marcelo Odebrecht asked to Adriano Maia and Irineu Meireles, via message, if they reached an agreement about Madeira River's hydroelectric plants with "the friend of my father's friend". The Operation asked to Odebrecht about these messages, and Odebrecht answered:

It refers to discussions that Adriano Maia had with the AGU on issues involving the hydroelectric dams of the Madeira River. 'Friend of my father's friend' refers to José Antônio Dias Toffoli. The nature and content of these discussions, however, can only be properly clarified by Adriano Maia, who led them.[40]

Moraes, the next day after the reporting was published, censored the reporting, affirming that there was a "clear abuse at the content of the reporting".[41] The decision was widely criticized by the Brazilian press, being labeled by it unconstitutional,[42] and by the Order of Attorneys of Brazil,[43] and the censorship heated discussions about the creation of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry to investigate the Superior Tribunals (STF, Superior Tribunal of Justice - STJ, Superior Military Tribunal - STM, Superior Electoral Court - TSE and Superior Labor Court - TST), often called the "Lava Toga CPI".[44] Even STF ministers, such as Marco Aurélio Mello[45] and Celso de Mello,[46] criticized Moraes' decision. Moraes later revoked his order.[47]

Lula's release from prison

[edit]

On 7 November 2019, the STF, by 6 votes against 5, vetoed second instance arrest, affirming that someone may only be arrested after the res judicata. The decision paved the way to former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva be free, and 5,000 others.[48] STF's critics claimed the Court "finished with second instance arrest". The day after, Lula was released.[49] At that time, a Real Time Institute research affirmed that 50% of the Brazilians disagreed with Lula's release, and 56% disagreed with the Court's decision.[50]

On 8 March 2021, Minister Edson Fachin nullified Lula's sentences on Operetion Car Wash,[51] decision soon criticized by many deputies.[52] The decision would be later confirmed by the STF plenary, in an 8x3 vote, defeated Ministers Nunes Marques, Marco Aurélio Mello and the Court's president, Luiz Fux.[53] According to a Paraná Pesquisas search, 57.5% of the Brazilians disagreed with the decision. In parallel, on 23 March, the 2nd Class of the STF formed a majority to declare then-Judge Sérgio Moro biased when judging Lula, after Lula-appointed Minister Cármen Lúcia reverted her vote, reverting the class' 3x2 majority against Lula to a 3x2 majority in favor of Lula.[54] The decision was later confirmed by the Court, forming a majority on 22 April in Lula's favor. The plenary's judgment, however, was suspended, after Minister Marco Aurélio Mello asked more time to make an analysis. Minister President Luiz Fux, then, suspended rapidly the judgment, because Ministers Luís Roberto Barroso and Gilmar Mendes started a discussion. At that time, the vote was 7x2 in Lula's favor.[55] The judgement ended on 23 June, after the votes of Marco Aurélio and Luiz Fux, both voting against, leading to a 7x4 vote in Lula's favor. At that time, Marco Aurélio said that Lula "was politically resurrected" by the Supreme Federal Court.[56]

Criticism

[edit]

As a result, the Court was widely criticized. Critics often said that the Supreme Federal Court was "tearing the Constitution"[57][58][59][60] or acting like it was the Constitution's owner, as described in a Gazeta do Povo editorial:

If politicians activate the Supreme Court so that ministers "draw" what they know is explicit in the Magna Carta, and if the ministers agree with pleasure in doing so, it is only because they feel they own the Constitution, hovering above it instead of judging themselves subject to the Greater Law.[61]

The Court was also labeled a "shame,[58] a "court of exception", "perfidious", reason for "juridical insecurity",[62] a defender for impunity,[63] partial,[64] de facto legislator and censorior,[65] interferer into the other powers,[66] "apequenated"[67] and a threat to democracy. According to a PoderData search, 42% of Brazilians disapprove the Court's work.[68]

Impeachment calls

[edit]

In the midst of the political crisis, a profile called @sos_impeachment appeared on Twitter, with the objective of taking a voting score through positions. Until 25 January 2021, there were 111 votes in favor and 76 against the impeachment of Bolsonaro.[69] Taking advantage of the engagement, the Movimento Vem pra Rua, the Movimento Brasil Livre and the former candidate for president of the Republic for the Partido Novo, João Amoêdo, launched on 21 January a petition for Bolsonaro's impeachment. As of 25 January, there have already been over 200 thousand subscriptions on the change.org platform.[70] During the months of April and May, the movements against Bolsonaro and for the Impeachment regained strength, starting to have pressure even from artists and digital influencers. Among the people who signed a collective request published on 24 May 2021, are former RecordTV presenter Xuxa Meneghel, sports commentator Walter Casagrande, the YouTuber and main government opponent Felipe Neto, the priest Júlio Lancelotti and the actress Júlia Lemmertz. In addition to famous people, doctors and scientists also signed the letter.[71] The requests also started to use the context of pro-government movements with threats of military or federal intervention to counter the restriction measures used by mayors and governors during the critical period of the Pandemic, including pro-government demonstrations held on 15 May in Brasília as part of the movement entitled March of the Christian Family for Freedom and on 23 May in Rio de Janeiro, with the presence of the former Minister of Health, Eduardo Pazuello, including one of the targets of the COVID-19 CPI and until then hadn't had given testimony.[72][73][74]

"Super request" for impeachment

[edit]

On 30 June, politicians of the left and of the right presented a "super request" for Bolsonaro's impeachment, in an event that included former government supporters Joice Hasselman and Kim Kataguiri, along with other opposition deputies. The "super request" was a compilation of over 120 other requests, and appointed 23 supposed responsibility crimes committed by Bolsonaro.[75] Pro-government deputies criticized the proposal. Federal Deputy Carlos Jordy, for example, said that the request

Is unfounded, doesn't have a single responsibility crime. And they seized on several issues that are raised by the extreme press, by a large part of the press, by the opposition, talking about alleged cases of corruption that there wasn't even an investigation to prove them.[76]

However, hours after the request was presented, Chamber of Deputies' President, Arthur Lira, rejected the proposal, affirming that "Impeachment, as a political action, we do not do it with discourse, we do it with materiality, which has not yet been proven".[77] He also, ironically, criticized the COVID-19 CPI, affirming that it is "doing a great, really impartial, job".[77][78]

Predictions of violence and fears of escalation

[edit]

Some countries were concerned about the possibility of a clash between two political sides in the demonstrations on the seventh. The United States, through its embassy in Brazil, requested Americans on Brazilian soil to avoid leaving their homes on 7 September and that, should it be necessary to leave their homes, US citizens would avoid certain places that would be possible meeting points for protesters from both sides such as the Avenida Paulista in São Paulo, Copacabana beach in Rio de Janeiro, Orla da Barra in Salvador and Farroupilha Park in Porto Alegre. These places are used by the opposition and government leaders for their protests on different days, which can cause complications if there is a meeting between the groups.[79][80] The embassy also recommended the use of "discreet" clothing and the use of an emergency application created by the United States for US citizens living abroad, thus allowing monitoring and assistance to the Americans if necessary in a possible conflict. The North American recommendation frightened other countries about the threat of civil conflicts on the day of the demonstration.[81]

In some speeches and invitations to the 7 September demonstrations, protesters promised to "expel China from the national territory" and "take the Supreme Federal Court".[82] After speeches, and several arrests to avoid threats to democracy, the Federal Supreme Court (STF) ordered the security of the headquarters to be reinforced on the day of the demonstration.[83][84]

Regarding the Chinese embassy in Brasília, the risk of a possible invasion was pointed out, based on "publications made by the digital militias of President Jair Bolsonaro".[85] The Military Police of the Federal District, at the request of the embassy, reinforced police protection and took measures to control access. Before the protest, several attacks were carried out on Yang Wanming, ambassador of China.

Outcomes

[edit]

Parliamentary Committee of Enquiry at the Senate

[edit]

On 3 February, Senator Randolfe Rodrigues said he got the needed signatures to start a Parliamentary Committee of Enquiry at the Federal Senate ('Comissão Parlamentar de Inquérito, abbreviated as 'CPI', in Portuguese - The needed signatures are 27, accordingly to the Constitution's Article 58, § 3rd) to investigate Bolsonaro's handling of the pandemic.[351] Besides that, nothing happened until Supreme Federal Court's minister Luís Roberto Barroso, on 8 April, forced the Senate to create Randolfe's CPI,[1] created on 13 April.[352] In parallel, Ceará's Senator Eduardo Girão, on 2 March, started to collect signatures to create a Commission to investigate corruption scandals involving states and municipalities,[353] which caught the media's attention after many Federal Police's operations, known as "Covidão" (Big Covid, in Portuguese). It is estimated that R$260 million (US$50.8 million as of 12 June 2021) were diverted.[354] Girão got the needed signatures on 12 April, when his commission proposal had 33 signatures.[355]

Members of the Commission

[edit]
  • President: Senator Omar Aziz (PSD-AM)
  • Vice-president: Senator Randolfe Rodrigues (REDE-AP)
  • Rapporteur: Senator Renan Calheiros (MDB-AL)[356]
  • Others: Senator Eduardo Braga, Senator Eduardo Girão, Senator Tasso Jereissati, Senator Humberto Costa, Senator Marcos Rogério, Senator Jorginho Mello, Senator Otto Alencar, Senator Ciro Nogueira
  • Substitutes: Senator Jader Barbalho, Senator Angelo Coronel, Senator Marcos do Val, Senator Rogério Carvalho, Senator Alessandro Vieira, Senator Luis Carlos Heinze, Senator Zequinha Marinho.[357]

Renan Calheiros was initially blocked by Justice from being part of the commission, when judge Charles Renaud Frazão de Morais agreed with Federal Deputy Carla Zambelli,[358] but he still became the rapporteur. Calheiros is father of Alagoas' governor, Renan Calheiros Filho, reason why the lawyer Hazenclever Lopes Cançado wanted to block him and Senator Jader Barbalho (father of Helder Barbalho, Pará's governor) from participating at the commission.[359] Calheiros also declared himself partial to being rapporteur at the commission, in matters involving the State of Alagoas, on his Twitter account.[360]

Interviews

[edit]
Name Date(s) Position Heard as Note
Luiz Henrique Mandetta 4 May Former Health Minister between January 1, 2019, and April 16, 2020 Witness [361]
Nelson Teich 5 May Former Health Minister between April 17 and 15 May 2020 Witness [361]
Marcelo Queiroga 6 May, 8 June Health Minister since March 23 Witness [361]
Antônio Barra Torres 11 May Director-President of ANVISA Witness [361]
Fábio Wajngarten 12 May Former Communication Secretary Witness [361]
Carlos Murillo 13 May Pfizer's Regional President for Latin America Witness [361]
Ernesto Araújo 18 May Former Foreign Affairs Minister Witness [361]
Eduardo Pazuello 19–20 May Former Health Minister between June 2, 2020, and March 23, 2021 Witness [361]
Mayra Pinheiro 25 May Work and Education Management Secretary of the Ministry of Health Witness [361]
Dimas Covas 27 May Butantan Institute's director Witness [361]
Nise Yamaguchi 1 June Immunologist and Oncologist Invited [361]
Luana Araújo 2 June former Extraordinary Covid Secretary Invited [361]
Élcio Franco 9 June former Executive Secretary of the Health Ministry Witness [361]
Wilson Lima 10 June Governor of the State of Amazonas Invited Governor got an habeas corpus from Supreme Federal Court's Justice Rosa Weber and did not went to Brasília to be interviewed.[362][363] The Commission decided to appeal Weber's decision.[364] Interview did not happen.[363]
Natalia Pasternak 11 June Microbiologist Invited [365]
Claudio Maierovitch 11 June Sanitary Doctor Invited [361]
Helder Barbalho 29 June Governor of the State of Pará Invited planned;[366] STF forced CPI to invite governors, not convoke them.[367] Interview did not happen.
Wellington Dias 30 June Governor of the State of Piauí Invited planned;[366] STF forced CPI to invite governors, not convoke them.[367] Interview did not happen.
Ibaneis Rocha 1 July Governor of the Federal District Invited planned;[366] STF forced CPI to invite governors, not convoke them.[367] Interview did not happen.
Mauro Carlesse 2 July Governor of the State of Tocantins Invited planned;[366] STF forced CPI to invite governors, not convoke them.[367] Interview did not happen.
Carlos Moisés 6 July Governor of the State of Santa Catarina Invited planned;[366] STF forced CPI to invite governors, not convoke them.[367] Interview did not happen.
Antônio Denarium 7 July Governor of the State of Roraima Invited planned;[366] STF forced CPI to invite governors, not convoke them.[367] Interview did not happen.
Waldez Góes 8 July Governor of the State of Amapá Invited planned[366]

December 2023: marco temporal enshrined in law

[edit]

Despite earlier legal wrangling over the matter, in December 2023 the predominantly right wing Brazilian Congress voted to enact a law upholding the marco temporal, thus curbing indigenous land rights.[368]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
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  49. Guilherme Venaglia (8 November 2019). "Após decisão da Justiça, ex-presidente Lula deixa a prisão em Curitiba". 6 Minutos.
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