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Protestant theological movement

Jacobus Arminius in a 1625 engraving by W. Swanenburgh

Arminianism is a theological tradition within Protestantism that emerged in the early 17th century and is based on the ideas of the Dutch Reformed theologian Jacobus Arminius and his followers, known as the Remonstrants. Dutch Arminianism was one of the first structured responses to Calvinism doctrines, particularly their interpretation of predestination.

Central to Arminian theology is the belief that God extends prevenient grace to all people, thereby preparing them for regeneration. It also teaches that the grace that enables regeneration and ongoing sanctification can be resisted. The two main variants of Arminian thought are Classical Arminianism, principally associated with Arminius, and Wesleyan Arminianism, principally associated with John Wesley.

Many Protestant denominations have been influenced by Arminian views, notably the Baptists in the 17th century, the Methodists in the 18th century, and the Pentecostals in the 20th century.

History

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Precursor movements and theological influences

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Theologian Sebastian Castellio, portrait by Jean-Paul Laurens (1892)

Arminius's beliefs, i.e. Arminianism, did not begin with him.[1] Before the Reformation, groups like the Waldensians similarly affirmed individual freedom over any predetermined predestination.[2] Anabaptist theologian Balthasar Hubmaier (1480–1528) also promoted much the same view as Arminius nearly a century before him.[1] The soteriological doctrines of Arminianism and Anabaptism are roughly equivalent.[3][4] In particular, Mennonites have been historically Arminian whether they distinctly espoused the Arminian viewpoint or not, and rejected Calvinist soteriology.[5] Anabaptist theology seems to have influenced Jacobus Arminius.[3] At least, he was "sympathetic to the Anabaptist point of view, and Anabaptists were commonly in attendance on his preaching."[4] Similarly, Arminius mentions Danish Lutheran theologian Niels Hemmingsen (1513–1600) as holding the basic view of soteriology he held, and he may have been influenced by Hemmingsen.[6] Another key figure, Sebastian Castellio (1515–1563), who opposed Calvin's views on predestination and religious intolerance, is known to have influenced both the Mennonites and certain theologians within Arminius's circle.[7] Early critics of Arminians even cited Castellio as a primary inspiration behind the Arminian movement.[8]

Dutch Arminianism

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Eyk, Abraham van der (1721). Disputes Between Remonstrants and Counter-Remonstrants in 1618.

Jacobus Arminius (1560–1609) was a Dutch pastor and theologian.[9] He was taught by Theodore Beza, Calvin's hand-picked successor, but after examination of the scriptures, he rejected his teacher's theology that it is God who unconditionally elects some for salvation.[9] Instead Arminius proposed that the election of God was "of believers", thereby making it conditional on faith.[9] Arminius's views were challenged by the Dutch Calvinists, especially Franciscus Gomarus.[10]

In his Declaration of Sentiments (1608) Arminius presented his theology to magistrates of the States General of the Netherlands in The Hague.[11] After his death, Arminius's followers continued to advance his theological vision, crafting the Five articles of Remonstrance (1610), in which they express their points of divergence from the stricter Calvinism of the Belgic Confession.[10] This is how Arminius's followers were called Remonstrants, and following a Counter Remonstrance in 1611, Gomarus' followers were called Counter-Remonstrants.[12]

After some political maneuvering, the Dutch Calvinists were able to convince Prince Maurice of Nassau to deal with the situation.[9] Maurice systematically removed Arminian magistrates from office and called a national synod at Dordrecht. This Synod of Dort was open primarily to Dutch Calvinists (102 people), while the Arminians were excluded (13 people banned from voting), with Calvinist representatives from other countries (28 people), and in 1618 published a condemnation of Arminius and his followers as heretics. The Canons of Dort responded, among other topics, to Arminian doctrines, anticipating their later articulation as the Five Points of Calvinism.[10]

Arminians across Holland were removed from office, imprisoned, banished, and sworn to silence. Twelve years later, Holland officially granted Arminianism protection as a religion, although animosity between Arminians and Calvinists continued.[9] Most of the early Remonstrants followed a classical version of Arminianism. However, some of them such as Philipp van Limborch, moved in the direction of semi-Pelagianism and rationalism.[13]

Arminianism in the Church of England

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Portrait of John Goodwin by George Glover (1641)

In England, the so-labelled Arminian doctrines[14] were held, in substance, before and in parallel with those of Arminius.[15] The Thirty-nine Articles of Religion (finalised in 1571), were sufficiently ambiguous that they were compatible with either Arminian or Calvinistic interpretations.[15] Arminianism in the Church of England was fundamentally an expression of negation of Calvinism, and only some theologians held to classical Arminianism, but for the rest they were either semi-Pelagian or Pelagian.[9][15][16] In this specific context, contemporary historians prefer to use the term "proto-Arminians" rather than "Arminians" to designate the leanings of those divines who generally did not follow classical Arminianism.[17] English Arminianism was represented by Arminian Puritans such as John Goodwin or High Anglican Arminians such as Jeremy Taylor and Henry Hammond.[15] Anglican Arminians of the 17th century such as William Laud fought Calvinist Puritans.[15] They saw Arminianism in terms of a state church, an idea that was alien to the views of Arminius.[9] In many cases, "Arminianism" was in some ways a label applied by their enemies.[18] This position became particularly evident under the reign (1625–1649) of Charles I.[15] Following the Interregnum (1649–1660), King Charles II, who tolerated the Presbyterians, re-instituted Arminian thought in the Church of England.[19] It was dominant there after the Restoration (1660)[20] for some fifty years.[15]

Baptists

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The Baptist tradition emerged in the early 17th century in England. The first Baptists, led by the theologian Thomas Helwys, were later called "General Baptists" because of their doctrine of general atonement, an Arminian doctrine.[21] Later General Baptists, such as John Griffith, Samuel Loveday, and Thomas Grantham, defended a soteriology similar to Classical Arminianism that reflected the original teaching of Arminius. The General Baptists encapsulated their views in numerous confessions, the most influential of which was the Standard Confession. In the 1640s the Particular Baptists were formed, diverging from any Arminian doctrine and embracing the strong Calvinism of the Presbyterians and Independents. Their robust Calvinism was publicized in such confessions as the First London Confession of Faith of 1644 and the Second London Confession of 1689. The Second London Confession was used by Calvinistic Baptists in America, and later revised in 1742, forming the Philadelphia Confession of Faith, whereas the Standard Confession of 1660 was used by the General Baptists and their American heirs known as Free Will Baptists.[22]

Methodists

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Milbert, Jacques Gérard. (c. 1819). Camp meeting of the Methodists in N. America

In the Methodist–Calvinist controversy of the early 1770s involving Anglican ministers John Wesley and George Whitefield, Wesley responded to accusations of semi-Pelagianism by embracing an Arminian identity.[23] Wesley had limited familiarity with the beliefs of Arminius and largely formulated his views without direct reliance on Arminius's teachings.[24] Wesley was notably influenced by 17th-century English Arminianism and by some Remonstrant spokesmen.[25] However, he is recognized as a faithful representative of Arminius's beliefs.[26] Wesley defended his soteriology through the publication of a periodical titled The Arminian (1778) and in articles such as Predestination Calmly Considered.[27] To support his stance, he strongly maintained belief in total depravity while clarifying other doctrines, notably prevenient grace.[28][29] At the same time, Wesley attacked the determinism that he claimed characterized Calvinist doctrines of predestination.[30] He typically preached the notion of Christian perfection (fully mature, not "sinlessness").[9] His system of thought has become known as Wesleyan Arminianism, the foundations of which were laid by him and his fellow preacher John William Fletcher.[31][32] Methodism also navigated its own theological intricacies concerning salvation and human agency.[33][34] In the 1830s, during the Second Great Awakening, traces of Pelagian influence surfaced in the American Holiness Movement. Consequently, critics of Wesleyan theology have occasionally unfairly perceived or labeled its broader thought.[35] However, its core is recognized to be Arminianism.[29][34]

Pentecostals

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Pentecostalism has its background in the activity of Charles Parham (1873–1929). Its origin as a movement was in the Azusa Street Revival in Los Angeles in 1906. This revival was led by William J. Seymour (1870–1922).[36] Due to the Methodist and Holiness background of many early Pentecostal preachers, the Pentecostal churches usually possessed practices that arose from the Wesleyan Arminianism.[37] During the 20th century, as Pentecostal churches began to settle and incorporate more standard forms, they started to formulate theology that was fully Arminian.[38] Today, Pentecostal denominations such as the Assemblies of God hold to Arminian views such as resistible grace, conditional election, and conditional security of the believer.[39][40][41]

Contemporary Arminianism

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Protestant denominations

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Anonymous (1915). Benjamin Randall (founder of the Free Baptist denomination).

Advocates of Arminianism find a home in many Protestant denominations,[42] and sometimes other beliefs such as Calvinism exist within the same denomination.[43] The Lutheran theological tradition bears certain similarities to Arminianism[44] and there may be some Lutheran churches that are open to it.[45] Newer Evangelical Anglican denominations also show a level of openness to Arminian theology.[45] Anabaptist denominations, such as the Mennonites, Hutterites, Amish and Schwarzenau Brethren, adhere to , which espouses a soteriology that is similar to Arminianism "in some respects". Arminianism is found within the , including the subset of General Baptists known as Free Will Baptists.[48] The majority of Southern Baptists embrace a traditionalist form of Arminianism which includes a belief in eternal security.[49][50][51][45] Though it is not the predominant, Calvinism is well represented within the convention.[52] Certain proponents of Arminianism may be found within the Restoration movement in the Christian Churches and Churches of Christ.[48] Additionally, it is found in the Seventh-day Adventist Church.[45] Arminianism (specifically Wesleyan–Arminian theology) is taught in the Methodist churches,[53] inclusive of those denominations aligned with the holiness movement such as the Evangelical Methodist Church, Church of the Nazarene, the Free Methodist Church, the Wesleyan Church,[48] and the Salvation Army.[54] It is also found in a part of the Charismatics, including the Pentecostals.[48][55][47][56]

Scholarly support

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Arminian theology has found support among theologians, Bible scholars, and apologists spanning various historical periods and theological circles. Noteworthy historical figures include Jacobus Arminius,[57] Simon Episcopius,[13] Hugo Grotius,[13] John Goodwin,[58] Thomas Grantham,[59] John Wesley,[60] Richard Watson,[61] Thomas Osmond Summers,[61] John Miley,[62] William Burt Pope[61] and Henry Orton Wiley.[63]

In contemporary Baptist traditions, advocates of Arminian theology include Roger E. Olson,[64] F. Leroy Forlines,[65] Robert Picirilli[66] and J. Matthew Pinson.[67] Within the Methodist tradition, prominent supporters encompass Thomas Oden,[65] Ben Witherington III,[68] David Pawson,[69] B. J. Oropeza,[70] Thomas H. McCall[64] and Fred Sanders.[71] The Holiness movement boasts theologians like Carl O. Bangs,[72] H. Ray Dunning[73] and J. Kenneth Grider.[67] Furthermore, scholars such as Keith D. Stanglin,[64] Craig S. Keener[74] and Grant R. Osborne[75] also support Arminian perspectives.

Theological developments

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Theological legacy

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Master of Großgmain. (c. 1498). Augustinus.

The Pelagian-Augustinian framework can serve as a key paradigm for understanding Arminianism's theological and historical legacy.[76] Before Augustine (354–430), the synergistic view of salvation was almost universally endorsed.[77][78] Pelagius (c. 354–418), however, argued that humans could perfectly obey God by their own will.[79] The Pelagian view is therefore referred to as "human monergism".[80][81] This view was condemned at the Council of Carthage (418) and Ephesus (431).[82] In response, Augustine proposed a view in which God is the ultimate cause of all human actions, a compatibilist form of theological determinism.[83] The Augustinian view is therefore referred to as "divine monergism".[84] However, Augustinian soteriology implied double predestination,[85] which was condemned by the Council of Arles (475).[86]

During this period, a moderate form of Pelagianism emerged, later termed semi-Pelagianism.[87] This view asserted that human will initiates salvation, rather than divine grace.[88] The Semi-Pelagian view is therefore described as "human-initiated synergism".[89] In 529, the Second Council of Orange addressed Semi-Pelagianism and declared that even the inception of faith is a result of God's grace.[90][91][92] This highlights the role of prevenient grace enabling human belief.[93][94] This view, often referred to as "Semi-Augustinian", is therefore described as "God-initiated synergism".[95][96][97][98] The council also rejected predestination to evil.[99] As Arminianism aligns with key aspects of this view,[95] some see it as a return to early Church theological consensus.[100] Moreover, Arminianism can also be seen as a soteriological diversification of Calvinism[101] or, more specifically, as a theological middle ground between Calvinism and semi-Pelagianism.[102]

Arminian theology generally divides into two main variations: Classical Arminianism, based on the teachings of Jacobus Arminius, and Wesleyan Arminianism, a closely related variation shaped primarily by John Wesley.[103]

Classical Arminianism

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Bailly, David (1620). Jacobus Arminius.

Classical Arminianism is a Protestant theological position which affirms that God's prevenient grace for regeneration is universal and that the grace allowing both regeneration and ongoing sanctification is resistible.[104][105][106] This theological system was developed from the Arminius's teachings and maintained by some of the Remonstrants, such as Simon Episcopius[107] and Hugo Grotius.[108]

The thought of Jacobus Arminius was first notably expressed in his Declaration of Sentiments (1608) and was later articulated in the Five Articles of Remonstrance.[109] Arminian theology incorporates the language and framework of covenant theology.[110][111] Some theologians have referred to this system as "classical Arminianism".[112][113] Others prefer the terms "Reformation Arminianism"[114] or "Reformed Arminianism",[115] highlighting how Arminius upheld core principles of the Reformation such as sola fide and sola gratia.[116][117]

Wesleyan Arminianism

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John Wesley thoroughly agreed with the vast majority of what Arminius himself taught.[26] Wesleyan Arminianism is therefore regarded as a closely related development of Arminian theology, shaped primarily by Wesley, which combines classical Arminian theology with Wesleyan perfectionism.[118][119][9]

Theological positions

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God's providence and human free will

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Arminianism holds that God is both omnipotent and omniscient.[120] His power and knowledge are not subject to any external limitation but are exercised in accordance with his own divine nature and character.[121] This understanding of God gives rise to two fundamental principles. First, divine action must be conceived in such a way that God is never, even secondarily, the author of evil, since this would contradict his character, especially as fully revealed in Jesus Christ.[122][123] Second, human responsibility for evil must be preserved.[124] These two principles shape the Arminian understanding of divine sovereignty. God exercises a limited mode of providence, deliberately governing creation without determining every event, and his election is understood as a "predestination by foreknowledge".[125] Consequently, God's foreknowledge is exhaustive and complete, fully compatible with human freedom of action.[126]

Human free will

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Philosophical view

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Arminianism is aligned with classical free-will theism, adopting an incompatibilist position. It asserts that the free will essential for moral responsibility is inherently incompatible with determinism.[127] In Arminian theology, human beings possess libertarian free will, making them the ultimate source of their choices and granting them the ability to choose otherwise.[128] This philosophical framework upholds the concept of divine providence, allowing God's influence and supervision over creation.[129] However, it permits the idea of God's absolute control over human actions, as long as such control does not involve human responsibility.[130][131]

Spiritual view

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Arminianism holds that all humans are deprived of the full presence of the Holy Spirit and, as a result, exist in a moral state of total depravity.[132][133] In this condition, human free will is incapable of choosing spiritual good without the aid of divine grace.[134][135] Arminius likely believed that every person is born in this depraved condition because Adam, as humanity's representative, sinned against God—a view later shared by several prominent Arminians.[136] Like Augustine, Luther, and Calvin, Arminius agreed that human free will is spiritually "captive" and "enslaved".[137][138] However, through the action of prevenient grace, human free will can be "freed",[139] meaning it can be restored with the ability to choose the spiritual good, particularly the capacity to accept God's call to salvation.[140]

Election of man

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Election based on divine foreknowledge

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The majority Arminian view is that election is individual and conditional upon God's foreknowledge of faith.[141] According to Arminius, election is the decree by which God decides that all who believe in Jesus through faith will be justified.[142] In a related sense, predestination in Arminian theology may be understood as the determination of the destiny of those who do believe. Thus, God predestines the elect to a glorious future: it does not refer to the act of coming to faith, but to the believer’s future inheritance. The elect are therefore predestined to sonship through adoption, glorification, and eternal life.[143]

Corporate election view

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In the corporate election view, God chose the believing church collectively for salvation rather than selecting individuals.[144] In this view, Jesus is seen as the only person elected, and individuals join the elect through faith "in Christ".[145][146] This view is supported by Old Testament and Jewish concepts, where identity is rooted more in group membership than individuality.[147] Though not the traditional Arminian position, corporate election is nonetheless consistent with Arminian theology, since it makes election conditional upon faith in Christ.[148]

Reconciliation with God

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Unlimited atonement with conditional application to faith

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Michiel Jansz. van Mierevelt (1631). Hugo de Groot (1583–1645).

Historically, Arminius, in agreement with certain Reformed theologians, held that reconciliation with God is based in forgiveness made possible through an expiation grounded on penal substitution. In this view, at the crucifixion, Christ bears the penalty due to human sin, thereby satisfying divine justice. This atonement provides a universal provision of salvation, which is applied conditionally on the basis of faith and repentance.[149][150] This understanding of penal substitution became the dominant view in classical Arminianism.[151]

Other Arminians, following Hugo Grotius, argue that reconciliation with God is based on forgiveness made possible through an atonement grounded in the governmental theory.[152] In this approach, Jesus is not strictly punished in the place of human beings. Nevertheless, his sufferings constitute an expiation intended to satisfy the justice of God. This universal provision of forgiveness is likewise applied on the basis of faith in God and repentance from sin. This position later exerted significant influence within Methodism.[153]

Wesley's view of atonement is either understood as a hybrid of penal substitution and the governmental theory,[154] or it is viewed solely as penal substitution.[155][156][157] Historically, Wesleyan Arminians have adopted either penal substitution or the governmental theory of atonement.[158]

Relational views of reconciliation

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According to Gustaf Aulén, before Anselm's satisfaction theory, atonement was primarily understood as Christ's victory over enslaving powers rather than as satisfaction made to divine justice.[159] Since the early 20th century, many theologians have rejected these satisfaction-based interpretations, emphasizing instead its interpersonal dimension.[160] They adopted relational models in which reconciliation is grounded in God's sovereignty to forgive the repentant, instead of a juridical transaction.[161] Several contemporary Wesleyan theologians are among them: Dunning adopts the Christus Victor model as his interpretative framework, arguing that the divine-human covenant must be read personally rather than legalistically;[162] similarly, Michael J. Gorman finds inspiration in this framework.[163] William J. Abraham argues that atonement is fundamentally about the restoration of a personal relationship,[164] while Joel B. Green rejects the notion of divine appeasement through atoning sacrifice, viewing it as an obstacle to sanctification.[165]

Conversion of man

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In Arminianism, God initiates the process of salvation by extending his grace, commonly referred to as prevenient grace, to all people. This grace works within each individual, drawing them toward the Gospel and enabling sincere faith, leading to regeneration.[166] It functions through a dynamic influence-and-response relationship, allowing individuals to accept or reject it freely.[167][139] Thus, conversion is described as a "God-initiated synergism".[95]

Justification and sanctification

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Rommey, George (n.d.). John Wesley.

Classical Arminian view

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In classical Arminian theology, justification is grounded in Christ's imputed righteousness through faith.[168][169] While not rigidly defined, Arminius view suggests that the righteousness of Christ is attributed to believers, emphasizing that union with Christ transfers his righteousness to them.[170][171] Arminius understood sanctification as a cooperative work between the Holy Spirit and the believer.[172] Arminius maintained that perfect obedience is theoretically possible through the aid of the Holy Spirit, though he did not claim that it had been attained by anyone other than Christ.[173]

Wesleyan Arminian view

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In Wesleyan theology, justification is understood as the forgiveness of sins rather than being made inherently righteous. Righteousness is achieved through sanctification, which involves the pursuit of holiness in one's life.[174] Wesley taught that imputed righteousness, which refers to the righteousness credited to a believer through faith, must transform into imparted righteousness, where this righteousness becomes evident in the believer's life.[175]

Wesley taught that through the Holy Spirit, Christians could achieve a state of practical perfection, or "entire sanctification", characterized by a lack of voluntary sin.[176] This state involves embodying the love of God and neighbor.[177] It does not mean freedom from all mistakes or temptations, as perfected Christians still need to seek forgiveness and strive for holiness; it is not an absolute perfection.[178]

Preservation of man

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Conditional preservation

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Related to eschatological considerations, Jacobus Arminius[179] taught that hell-fire is the punishment appointed for sin and the transgression of the law. The first Remonstrants, including Simon Episcopius[180], developed this line of thought further, affirming everlasting fire in which the wicked are cast by God at the final judgment. Building on these themes, Arminianism holds to a position of "conditional preservation," which refers to the divine action of protecting the believer’s relationship with Him against any external influence, while requiring the condition of continued faith on the part of the believer.[181][182][183] Nevertheless, although salvation is conditioned on faith, Arminians maintain a present assurance of salvation in Christ.[184][185]

Development of the classical Arminian view on apostasy

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Anonymous (1743). Simon Episcopius.

Arminius believed in the possibility of apostasy. However, over the period of time he wrote on this question,[186] he sometimes expressed himself more cautiously out of consideration for the faith of his readers.[187][188] In 1599, he stated that the question required more scriptural examination.[189] In his "Declaration of Sentiments" (1608), Arminius said, "I never taught that a true believer can, either totally or finally fall away from the faith, and perish; yet I will not conceal, that there are passages of scripture which seem to me to wear this aspect."[190]

However, Arminius elsewhere expressed certainty about the possibility of falling away: In c. 1602, he noted that a person integrated into the church might resist God's work and that a believer's security rested solely on their choice not to abandon their faith.[191][192] He argued that God's covenant did not eliminate the possibility of falling away but provided a gift of fear to keep individuals from defecting as long as it thrived in their hearts.[193] He then taught that had David died in sin, he would have been lost.[194][170] In 1602, Arminius also wrote: "A believing member of Christ may become slothful, give place to sin, and gradually die altogether, ceasing to be a member".[195]

For Arminius, a certain class of sin would cause a believer to fall, especially sin motivated by malice.[170][196] In 1605, Arminius wrote: "But it is possible for a believer to fall into a mortal sin, as is seen in David. Therefore, he can fall at that moment in which if he were to die, he would be condemned".[197] Scholars observe that Arminius clearly identifies two paths to apostasy 1. "rejection", or 2. "malicious sinning".[198][170] He suggested that strictly speaking, believers could not directly lose their faith but could cease to believe and thus fall away.[199][188][200]

After the death of Arminius in 1609, his followers wrote a Remonstrance (1610) based quite literally on his Declaration of Sentiments (1608), which expressed prudence on the possibility of apostasy.[198] In particular, its fifth article expressed the necessity of further study on the possibility of apostasy.[201] Sometime between 1610 and the official proceeding of the Synod of Dort (1618), the Remonstrants became fully persuaded in their minds that the Scriptures taught that a true believer was capable of falling away from faith and perishing eternally as an unbeliever.[202] They formalized their views in "The Opinion of the Remonstrants" (1618), which was their official stand during the Synod of Dort.[203] They later expressed this same view in the Remonstrant Confession (1621).[204]

Concerning the remediability of apostasy, Arminius maintained that apostasy resulting from "malicious" sin remained forgivable,[170][205] whereas apostasy arising from a deliberate "rejection" of faith was not.[206] Following Arminius, the Remonstrants held that, although apostasy was possible, it was not ordinarily regarded as irremediable.[207][208] By contrast, other classical Arminians, including the Free Will Baptists, have regarded apostasy as irrevocable and therefore beyond remedy.[209][210]

Wesleyan view on apostasy

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Wesley believed that genuine Christians could apostatize. He emphasized that sin alone does not lead to the loss of salvation; instead, prolonged unconfessed sin and deliberate apostasy can result in a permanent fall from grace.[211] Although Wesley acknowledged that some passages of Scripture may suggest that certain cases of apostasy are final and irrecoverable, he ultimately maintained that restoration remains possible in most cases.[212][213] Accordingly, Wesleyan Arminians generally hold that apostasy remains remediable during earthly life.[214]

Four-point Arminianism

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A position emerged in the 19th century among Calvinist Southern Baptists, who abandoned "perseverance of the saints" in favor of "security of the believer", a term introduced by James Robinson Graves in 1873.[215][216] Sometimes referred to as "four-point Arminianism," it combines the Arminian view of libertarian free will with the Calvinist concept of perseverance of the saints.[217] A parallel development took place among the Plymouth Brethren, where dispensationalism, rooted in John Nelson Darby's Calvinism and popularized by Dwight L. Moody, reconciled libertarian free will with guaranteed final perseverance.[218][219] The term "eternal security" was first attested among the Plymouth Brethren in 1913.[220] Within these hybrid theologies, which incorporate a doctrinal form of eternal security, individuals remain free, in the libertarian sense, to choose faith through divine grace, but, once regenerated, regardless of whether they continue to believe or cease to do so, they will inevitably be restored to faith.[221] Critics of this synthesis, primarily Arminian, argue that it is incoherent, because inevitable perseverance undermines libertarian freedom and, in turn, moral responsibility.[222] They also generally regard the accompanying assurance as misplaced.[223]

Arminianism and other views

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Divergence with Pelagianism

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Pelagianism is a doctrine denying original sin and total depravity. No system of Arminianism founded on Arminius or Wesley denies original sin or total depravity;[224] both Arminius and Wesley strongly affirmed that man's basic condition is one in which he cannot be righteous, understand God, or seek God.[225] Arminius referred to Pelagianism as "the grand falsehood" and stated that he "must confess that I detest, from my heart, the consequences [of that theology]."[226] This association is considered as libelous when attributed to Arminius's or Wesley's doctrine,[227] and Arminians reject all accusations of Pelagianism.[228][229]

Divergence with Semi-Pelagianism

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Semi-Pelagianism holds that faith begins with human will, while its continuation and fulfillment depend on God's grace,[88] giving it the label "human-initiated synergism".[89] In contrast, both Classical and Wesleyan Arminianism affirm that prevenient grace from God initiates the process of salvation,[230][231] a view sometimes referred to as "Semi-Augustinian", or "God-initiated synergism".[95][96] Following the Reformation, Reformed theologians often categorized both "human-initiated synergism" and "God-initiated synergism" as "Semi-Pelagianism",[232] often leading to mistaken belief that Arminianism aligned with Semi-Pelagianism.[233][234]

Divergence with Calvinism

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Calvinism and Arminianism, while sharing historical roots and many theological doctrines, diverge most notably on the concepts of divine predestination and election. Some view these differences as fundamental, while others consider them relatively minor distinctions within the broader spectrum of Christian theology.[235]

Regarding human spiritual condition, Arminians agree with Calvinists on the doctrine of total depravity, but differ on how God addresses this condition.[236] Regarding reconciliation with God, whether it is grounded in substitutive expiation[237] or in a more subjective model of atonement,[238] Arminians maintain that reconciliation is offered universally. Accordingly, through prevenient grace, God restores to every person the spiritual capacity to respond to him.[239] Calvinists, by contrast, limit reconciliation to the elect, to whom alone God extends an effectual call.[240]

Arminians affirm a divine providence that permits libertarian free will, whereas Calvinists hold a compatibilist divine determinism,[241] under which God is considered the ultimate cause of everything, including human faith.[242] Consequently, Arminians hold that election to final salvation is conditional on faith,[243] whereas Calvinists consider it unconditional.[244] As a result, Arminians believe that justifying grace is resistible,[239] while Calvinists hold that converting grace is irresistible.[240] Likewise, concerning perseverance, Arminians believe that preservation in final salvation is conditional on faith and can be lost through apostasy, while still affirming present security in Christ against external threats.[185] Calvinists, on the other hand, hold to the perseverance of the saints, maintaining that the elect will persevere in faith until the end of their lives.[245] This doctrine has given rise to two divergent interpretations, one rejecting and the other supporting an absolute assurance of salvation.[246]

Divergence with open theism

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The doctrine of open theism states that God is omnipresent, omnipotent, and omniscient, but differs on the nature of the future. Open theists claim that the future is not completely determined (or "settled") because people have not made their free decisions yet. God therefore knows the future partially in possibilities (human free actions) rather than solely certainties (divinely determined events).[247] Some Arminians reject open theism, viewing it as a distortion of traditional Arminianism.[248] They believe it shifts away from classical Arminianism toward process theology.[249] Others view it as a valid alternative perspective within Christianity, despite not aligning it with Arminian doctrine.[250]

See also

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Notes and references

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Citations

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  1. 1 2 Olson 2014, p. 1.
  2. Smith 2010, p. 147.
  3. 1 2 Sutton 2012, p. 86.
  4. 1 2 Bangs 1985, p. 170.
  5. Bender 1953: "Mennonites have been historically Arminian in their theology whether they distinctly espoused the Arminian viewpoint or not. They never accepted Calvinism either in the Swiss-South German branch or in the Dutch-North German wing. Nor did any Mennonite confession of faith in any country teach any of the five points of Calvinism. However, in the 20th century, particularly in North America, some Mennonites, having come under the influence of certain Bible institutes and the literature produced by this movement and its schools, have adopted the Calvinist doctrine of the perseverance of the saints or "once in grace always in grace." In doing so, they have departed from the historic Arminianism of the Anabaptist-Mennonite movement."
  6. Olson 2013b: "I am using 'Arminianism' as a handy [...] synonym for 'evangelical synergism' (a term I borrow from Donald Bloesch). [...] It's simply a Protestant perspective on salvation, God's role and ours, that is similar to, if not identical with, what was assumed by the Greek church fathers and taught by Hubmaier, Menno Simons, and even Philipp Melanchthon (after Luther died). It was also taught by Danish Lutheran theologian Niels Hemmingsen (d. 1600)—independently of Arminius. (Arminius mentions Hemmingsen as holding the basic view of soteriology he held and he may have been influenced by Hemmingsen.)"
  7. Guggisberg & Gordon 2017, p. 242.
  8. Guggisberg & Gordon 2017, p. 242-244.
  9. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Heron 1999, p. 128.
  10. 1 2 3 Wynkoop 1967, ch. 3.
  11. Stanglin & McCall 2021, p. 29.
  12. Loughlin 1907.
  13. 1 2 3 Olson 2009, p. 23.
  14. Tyacke 1990, p. 24.
  15. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 McClintock & Strong 1880.
  16. Tyacke 1990, p. 245: "Of the various terms which can be used to describe the thrust of religions change at the time Arminian is the least misleading. It does not mean that the Dutch theologian Jacobus Arminius was normally the source of the ideas so labelled. Rather Arminian denotes a coherent body of anti-Calvinist religious thought, which was gaining ground in various regions of early seventeenth-century Europe."
  17. MacCulloch 1990, p. 94: "If we use the label 'Arminian' for English Churchmen, it must be with these important qualification in mind [of been related to the theology of Arminius]; 'proto-Arminian' would be a more accurate term."
  18. MacCulloch 2009, p. 649.
  19. Delumeau, Wanegffelen & Cottret 2012, pp. 65–66.
  20. Wallace (2011), p. 233: "According to Edwards, it was only after the Restoration that non-Calvinist views come to be adopted by many of the clergy of the Church of England. Foremost among those who rejected Calvinism had been the Arminians, and Edwards appeared on the scene as a defender of Calvinism against Arminianism at a time when it was more often the Dissenters who were battling it and calling attention to the triumph of Arminianism in the Church of England."
  21. Gonzalez 2014, pp. 225–226.
  22. Torbet 1963, pp. 37, 145, 507.
  23. Gunter 2007, p. 78.
  24. Gunter 2007, pp. 66–68.
  25. Keefer 1987, p. 89: "What Wesley knew of Arminius came to him through two basic sources. First, he knew something of Arminius through Remonstrant spokesmen. [...] Wesley's second source of Arminian theology was the English Church in general, particularly the writers of the seventeenth century. This was by far his predominant source [...]."
  26. 1 2 Gunter 2007, p. 82.
  27. Gunter 2007, p. 77.
  28. Gunter 2007, p. 81.
  29. 1 2 Grider 1982, p. 55.
  30. Grider 1982, pp. 55–56.
  31. Knight 2018, p. 115.
  32. Grider 1982, p. 56.
  33. Grider 1982, pp. 53–55.
  34. 1 2 Bounds 2011, p. 50.
  35. Bounds 2011, p. 50: "The American Holiness movement, influenced heavily by the revivalism of Charles Finney, inculcated some of his Soft Semi-Pelagian tendencies among their preachers and teachers [...]. This has provided critics of Wesleyan theology with fodder by which they pigeonhole inaccurately larger Wesleyan thought."
  36. Knight 2010, p. 201.
  37. Knight 2010, p. 5.
  38. Olson 2009, p. 93.
  39. Studebaker 2008, p. 54. "Pentecostal theology, generally adopts an Arminian/Wesleyan structure of the ordos salutis [...]."
  40. Stanglin & McCall 2021, p. 240: "[T]he specifically Pentecostal denominations —such as the Assemblies of God, founded in 1914— have remained broadly Arminian when it comes to the matters of free, resistible grace and choice in salvation [...]."
  41. AG 2017.
  42. Olson 2014, pp. 2–3: "Methodism, in all its forms (including ones that do not bear that name), tends to be Arminian. (Calvinist Methodist churches once existed. They were founded by followers of Wesley's co-evangelist George Whitefield. But, so far as I am able to tell, they have all died out or merged with traditionally Reformed-Calvinist denominations.) Officially Arminian denominations include ones in the so-called 'Holiness' tradition (e.g., Church of the Nazarene) and in the Pentecostal tradition (e.g., Assemblies of God). Arminianism is also the common belief of Free Will Baptists (also known as General Baptists). Many Brethren [anabaptists-pietist] churches are Arminian as well. But one can find Arminians in many denominations that are not historically officially Arminian, such as many Baptist conventions/conferences."
  43. Akin 1993: "In Protestant circles there are two major camps when it comes to predestination: Calvinism and Arminianism. Calvinism is common in Presbyterian, Reformed, and a few Baptist churches. Arminianism is common in Methodist, Pentecostal, and most Baptist churches."
  44. Dorner 2004, p. 419: "Through its opposition to Predestinarianism, Arminianism possesses a certain similarity to the Lutheran doctrine, in the shape which the latter in the seventeenth century more and more assumed, but the similarity is rather a superficial one."
  45. 1 2 3 4 5 Olson 2012.
  46. Sutton 2012, p. 56: "Interestingly, Anabaptism and Arminianism are similar is some respects. Underwood wrote that the Anabaptist movement anticipated Arminius by about a century with respect to its reaction against Calvinism."
  47. 1 2 3 Olson 2014, pp. 2–3.
  48. 1 2 3 4 Olson 2009, p. 87.
  49. SBC 2000, ch. 5.
  50. Harmon 1984, pp. 17–18, 45–46.
  51. Walls & Dongell 2004, pp. 12–13, 16–17.
  52. Walls & Dongell 2004, pp. 7–20.
  53. Stanglin & McCall 2021, p. 139.
  54. Stanglin & McCall 2021, p. 241.
  55. Akin 1993.
  56. Gause 2007: "Pentecostals are almost universally Wesleyan-Arminian rather than Calvinist/Reformed, with rare exceptions among denominational Charismatic."
  57. Olson 2009, p. 21.
  58. More 1982, p. 1.
  59. Pinson 2011, p. 7.
  60. Olson 2009, p. 24.
  61. 1 2 3 Olson 2009, p. 25.
  62. Olson 2009, p. 26.
  63. Olson 2009, p. 28.
  64. 1 2 3 Driscoll 2013, p. 299.
  65. 1 2 Olson 2009, p. 29.
  66. Keathley 2014, p. 716.
  67. 1 2 Keathley 2014, p. 749.
  68. Kirkpatrick 2018, p. 118.
  69. Stegall 2009, p. 485, n. 8.
  70. Wilson 2017, p. 10, n. 30.
  71. Stanglin & McCall 2012, p. 125.
  72. Olson 2009, p. 47.
  73. Olson 2009, pp. 58, 87, 133, 175–176, 192.
  74. Marberry 1998, p. 30.
  75. Osborne, Trueman & Hammett 2015, p. 134: "[...] Osborne Wesleyan-Arminian perspective".
  76. Bounds 2011, pp. 32–33.
  77. Schaff 1997, § 173. "In anthropology and soteriology [Lactantius] follows the synergism which, until Augustine, was almost universal."
  78. Wiley 1941, pp. 234–235. "Augustine, himself, distinctly advocated this [synergistic] position at first, but in his controversy with the Pelagians adopted a strictly monergistic system. He held to the total inability of man to exercise good works, and hence, until the individual was regenerated, there was no power to exercise faith. Grace, therefore, was bestowed solely upon the elect through effectual calling, and the atonement limited to those for whom it availed. Previous to this time, synergism had been the dominant theory, i.e., that the individual in his recovery from sin, works with God through grace universally bestowed as a free gift, in such a manner as to condition the result."
  79. Puchniak 2008, p. 124.
  80. Barrett 2013, p. xxvii. "[H]umanistic monergism is the view of Pelagius and Pelagianism".
  81. Peterson & Williams 2004, p. 36. "[T]he humanistic monergism of Pelagius."
  82. Teselle 2014, p. 6.
  83. Rogers 2004, p. 1.
  84. Barrett 2013, p. xxvii, . "[D]ivine monergism is the view of Augustine and the Augustinians."
  85. James 1998, p. 103. "If one asks, whether double predestination is a logical implication or development of Augustine's doctrine, the answer must be in the affirmative."
  86. Levering 2011, p. 37.
  87. Olson 1999, p. 281.
  88. 1 2 Stanglin & McCall 2012, p. 160.
  89. 1 2 Barrett 2013, p. xxvii, . "[H]uman-initiated synergism is the view of Semi-Pelagianism".
  90. Denzinger 1954, ch. Second Council of Orange, art. 5–7.
  91. Pickar 1981, p. 797.
  92. Cross 2005, p. 701.
  93. Olson 2009, p. 81.
  94. Stanglin & McCall 2012, p. 153.
  95. 1 2 3 4 Bounds 2011, pp. 39–43.
  96. 1 2 Barrett 2013, p. xxvii, . "God-initiated synergism is the view of the Semi-Augustinians".
  97. Oakley 1988, p. 64.
  98. Thorsen 2007, ch. 20.3.4.
  99. Denzinger 1954, ch. Second Council of Orange, art. 199. "We not only do not believe that some have been truly predestined to evil by divine power, but also with every execration we pronounce anathema upon those, if there are [any such], who wish to believe so great an evil."
  100. Keathley 2014, p. 703, ch. 12.
  101. Magnusson 1995, p. 62.
  102. Olson 2014, p. 6.
  103. Forlines 2001, p. xvii.
  104. Stanglin & McCall 2021, pp. 6–7.
  105. Olson 2009, pp. 16, 17, 200.
  106. Wynkoop 1967, pp. 61–69.
  107. Episcopius & Ellis 2005, p. 8: "Episcopius was singularly responsible for the survival of the Remonstrant movement after the Synod of Dort. We may rightly regard him as the theological founder of Arminianism, since he both developed and systematized ideas which Arminius was tentatively exploring before his death and then perpetuated that theology through founding the Remonstrant seminary and teaching the next generation of pastors and teachers."
  108. Pinson 2002, p. 137.
  109. Stanglin & McCall 2012, p. 190 "These points [of Remonstrance] are consistent with the views of Arminius; indeed, some come verbatim from his Declaration of Sentiments."
  110. Vickers 2009, p. 84.
  111. Reasoner 2000, p. 1.
  112. Forlines 2011.
  113. Olson 2009.
  114. Picirilli 2002, p. ii. "[B]y "Reformation Arminianism" I mean both to distinguish the thinking of Arminius and the original Remonstrants from some of the forms Arminianism has taken since, and to identify it with the chief emphases of the Reformation."
  115. Pinson 2002, pp. 149–150.
  116. Pinson 2003, pp. 135, 139.
  117. Olson 2014, p. 14.
  118. Olson 2009, p. 189, note 20.
  119. Sayer 2006, ch. "Wesleyan-Arminian theology": "Evangelical Wesleyan-Arminianism has as its center the merger of both Wesley's concept of holiness and Arminianism's emphasis on synergistic soteriology."
  120. Olson 2009, pp. 90–91.
  121. Olson 2009, p. 124, n. 20. "For Arminius, God always remains omnipotent in the most radical sense possible within a metaphysically realistic frame of reference (i.e., God’s power conditioned by his character)."
  122. Olson 2014, p. 11.
  123. Olson 2013a: "Basic to Arminianism is God's love. The fundamental conflict between Calvinism and Arminianism is not sovereignty but God's character. If Calvinism is true, God is the author of sin, evil, innocent suffering and hell. [...] Let me repeat. The most basic issue is not providence or predestination or the sovereignty of God. The most basic issue is God's character."
  124. Olson 2010: "Classical Arminianism does not say God never interferes with free will. It says God never foreordains or renders certain evil. [...] An Arminian could believe in divine dictation of Scripture and not do violence to his or her Arminian beliefs. [...] Arminianism is not in love with libertarian free will – as if that were central in and of itself. Classical Arminians have gone out of our way (beginning with Arminius himself) to make clear that our sole reasons for believe in free will as Arminians [...] are 1) to avoid making God the author of sin and evil, and 2) to make clear human responsibility for sin and evil."
  125. Olson 2018: "What is Arminianism? A) Belief that God limits himself to give human beings free will to go against his perfect will so that God did not design or ordain sin and evil (or their consequences such as innocent suffering); B) Belief that, although sinners cannot achieve salvation on their own, without 'prevenient grace' (enabling grace), God makes salvation possible for all through Jesus Christ and offers free salvation to all through the gospel. 'A' is called 'limited providence,' 'B' is called 'predestination by foreknowledge.'"
  126. Picirilli 2002, p. 40.
  127. Olson 2008, p. 149. "Classical free will theism is that form of this model found implicitly if not explicitly in the ancient Greek church fathers, most of the medieval Christian and theologians [...] Classical free will theism describes free will as incompatible with determinism".
  128. Olson 2009, p. 20.
  129. Olson 2009, pp. 115–119.
  130. Olson 2008, p. 151. "Occasionally God suspends free will with a dramatic intervention that virtually forces a person to decide or act in some way".
  131. Olson 2014, p. 8. "Arminianism includes no particular belief about whether or to what extent God manipulates the wills of men (human persons) with regard to bringing his plans (e.g., Scripture) to fruition."
  132. Olson 2009, pp. 55–56.
  133. Wiley 1941, pp. 123–124. "Original sin is to be considered as privatio, or a privation of the image of God. [...] Arminius calls it 'a privation of the image of God,' but explains this privation as (1) a forfeiture of the gift of the Holy Spirit; and (2) in consequence of this, the loss of original righteousness. Depravity is therefore 'a depravation arising from deprivation.' Connected with this deprivation is a positive evil also, which arises as a consequence of the loss of the image of God."
  134. Picirilli 2002, pp. 42–43, 59 ff..
  135. Pinson 2002, pp. 146–147.
  136. Grider 1994, ch. 10, "The Representative Theory".
  137. Olson 2009, pp. 142–145.
  138. Arminius 1853a, p. 526. "In this [fallen] state, the free will of man towards the true good is not only wounded, infirm, bent, and weakened; but it is also imprisoned, destroyed, and lost. And its powers are not only debilitated and useless unless they be assisted by grace, but it has no powers whatever except such as are excited by Divine grace."
  139. 1 2 Olson 2009, p. 142.
  140. Picirilli 2002, p. 153.
  141. Olson 2009, p. 97. "All real Arminians believe in predestination. Of course, they mean conditional election based on God’s foreknowledge of faith."
  142. Arminius 1853c, p. 311. "Election is the decree of God by which, of Himself, from eternity, He decreed to justify in Christ, believers, and to accept them unto eternal life".
  143. Pawson 1996, pp. 109 ff.
  144. Ridderbos 1997, p. 351: "[The certainty of salvation] does not rest on the fact that the church belongs to a certain 'number', but that it belongs to Christ, from before the foundation of the world. Fixity does not lie in a hidden decree, therefore, but in corporate unity of the Church with Christ, whom it has come to know in the gospel and has learned to embrace in faith."
  145. Walls & Dongell 2004, p. 76: "[...] this means that Jesus Christ himself is the chosen one, the predestined one. Whenever one is incorporated into him by grace through faith, one comes to share in Jesus' special status as chosen of God."
  146. Barth 1974, p. 108: "Election in Christ must be understood as the election of God's people. Only as members of that community do individuals share in the benefits of God's gracious choice."
  147. Abasciano 2005, pp. 42–43.
  148. Abasciano 2009, p. 62.
  149. Forlines 2011, Introduction. "In Christ’s oblation, Arminius argues, Christ as priest and sacrifice suffers the divine punishment that is due for human sin. This suffering constitutes the satisfaction or payment to the divine justice for redemption of humans from sin, guilt, and divine wrath. Thus Arminius presents an understanding of atonement, in the context of his view of the priestly office of Jesus Christ, that is consistent with the penal-substitution motifs regnant in sixteenth-and early seventeenth-century Reformed theology."
  150. Arminius 1853a, p. 316.
  151. Pinson 2002, pp. 140 ff.
  152. Picirilli 2002, p. 132.
  153. Forlines 2011, Introduction. "How different Arminius was, Forlines concluded, from “Arminian” authors such as Charles Finney or John Miley or Orton Wiley. They had taught a governmental view of atonement similar to that of Hugo Grotius. That theory held that God could freely pardon sinners without any satisfaction for the violation of divine law, because such a pardon was within God’s discretion as governor or sovereign. Thus the sacrifice of Christ is accepted by God as governor or ruler rather than as judge. The death of Christ, in this view, is a symbol of the punishment sin may induce. God uses this symbol as a deterrent. The penalty for sin is therefore set aside rather than paid. So, upon faith, the believer is pardoned as a governor would pardon a guilty criminal, and all past sins are forgotten."
  154. Pinson 2002, pp. 227 ff.: "Wesley does not place the substitutionary element primarily within a legal framework [...]. Rather [his doctrine seeks] to bring into proper relationship the 'justice' between God's love for persons and God's hatred of sin [...] it is not the satisfaction of a legal demand for justice so much as it is an act of mediated reconciliation."
  155. Picirilli 2002, pp. 104–105, 132 ff.
  156. Olson 2009, p. 224: "Arminius did not believe [in the governmental theory of atonement], neither did Wesley nor some of his nineteenth-century followers. Nor do all contemporary Arminians."
  157. Wood 2007, p. 67.
  158. Olson 2009, p. 224.
  159. Aulen 2003, pp. 1–2. "By the theory of satisfaction [Anselm] repressed [...] the old mythological account of Christ's work as a victory over the devil [...] [H]e put forward his teaching of a deliverance from the guilt of sin; and, above all, he clearly taught an 'objective' Atonement, according to which God is the object of Christ's atoning work, and is reconciled through the satisfaction made to His justice."
  160. Dunning 2005, pp. 163–165. "Since early in the 20th century, many Christian thinkers have been working in increasing interface with Scripture with the result that work on the Atonement has seen several helpful developments [...] In general there has been a burgeoning recognition of the inadequacy of a juridical or legalistic way of interpreting the Atonement, accompanied by a turn to the personal dimension as the decisive context within which the work of Christ can be best interpreted."
  161. Brümmer 1992, pp. 448–449. "Sin is not primarily a state of corruption calling for a manipulative cure, nor guilt to be wiped out through punishment or satisfaction, but alienation from God requiring reconciliation. [...] The necessary and sufficient conditions for this kind of reconciliation are not punishment or satisfaction or condonation, but penitence and forgiveness."
  162. Dunning 1988, p. 388. "[Christus Victor] is not objective in the sense of a transactional between Christ and God, which is completely unacceptable in New Testament thought, but objective in the sense that something transpires externally, not dependent upon human response although only actualized upon such a response."
  163. Gorman 2014, p. 203. "The purpose of Jesus's death was to effect, or give birth to, the new covenant, the covenant of peace; that is, to create a new-covenant community of Spirit-filled disciples of Jesus who would fulfill the inseparable covenantal requirements of faithfulness to God and love for others through participation in the death of Jesus."
  164. Abraham 2018, pp. 85–86. "In the history of the concept [...] atonement has been narrowed to mean such things as propitiation, satisfaction, expiation, and reparation. So, we have had a drastic decline of emphasis on the repair or reconciliation of a relationship and a steep rise of emphasis on the means of at-one-ment."
  165. Green 2008, p. 166. "The prevailing model of the atonement, focused as it is on the individual, on a forensic judgment, and on the moment of justification, is an obstacle to a thoroughgoing soteriology oriented toward holiness of life. That is, an exaggerated focus on an objective atonement and on salvation as transaction undermines any emphasis on salvation as transformation, and it obscures the social and cosmological dimensions of salvation."
  166. Picirilli 2002, pp. 154 ff. "[I]ndeed this grace is so close to regeneration that it inevitably leads to Regeneration unless finally resisted."
  167. Forlines 2001, pp. 313–321.
  168. Pinson 2002, p. 140. "Arminius allowed for only two possible ways in which the sinner might be justified: (1) by our absolute and perfect adherence to the law, or (2) purely by God's imputation of Christ's righteousness."
  169. Arminius 1853c, p. 454. "Justification, when used for the act of a Judge, is either purely the imputation of righteousness through mercy [...] or that man is justified before God [...] according to the rigor of justice without any forgiveness."
  170. 1 2 3 4 5 Gann 2014.
  171. Forlines 2011, p. 403. "On the condition of faith, we are placed in union with Christ. Based on that union, we receive His death and righteousness".
  172. Stanglin 2007, pp. 119–123.
  173. Stanglin 2007, pp. 126–132.
  174. Elwell 2001, p. 1268. "[Wesley] states what justification is not. It is not being made actually just and righteous (that is sanctification). It is not being cleared of the accusations of Satan, nor of the law, nor even of God. We have sinned, so the accusation stands. Justification implies pardon, the forgiveness of sins. [...] Ultimately for the true Wesleyan salvation is completed by our return to original righteousness. This is done by the work of the Holy Spirit."
  175. Oden 2012, pp. 88–89.
  176. Wesley 1827, p. 66, "A Plain Account of Christian Perfection". "[Entire sanctification is] purity of intention."
  177. Wesley 1827, p. 66, "A Plain Account of Christian Perfection". "[Entire sanctification is] loving God with all our heart, and our neighbor as ourselves."
  178. Stanglin & McCall 2021, pp. 208–209.
  179. Arminius 1853c, p. 376: "First, you say, and truly, that hell-fire is the punishment ordained for sin and the transgression of the law."
  180. Episcopius & Ellis 2005, ch. 20, item 4.
  181. Pinson 2002, pp. 163–166.
  182. Arminius 1853b, pp. 219–220. "My sentiments respecting the perseverance of the saints are, that those persons who have been grafted into Christ by true faith, and have thus been made partakers of his life-giving Spirit, possess sufficient powers [or strength] to fight against Satan, sin, the world and their own flesh, and to gain the victory over these enemies".
  183. Arminius 1853c, pp. 412, 413: "[God] wills that they, who believe and persevere in faith, shall be saved, but that those, who are unbelieving and impenitent, shall remain under condemnation".
  184. Stanglin 2007, p. 233. "[F]or the Reformed, although the elect individual who is presently assured need not concern himself about a future apostasy, there is doubt with regard to the fundamentum itself. Therefore, if a person inquires into the extent of God’s a priori will to save a certain person, a firm answer is impossible, leading to an a priori agnosticism that can undermine present assurance for the person who, from Arminius’s perspective, can do nothing about his status. In the estimation of Arminius, then, the belief that one cannot fall away inspires carnal security, but the possibility of apostasy actually inspires consolation, even if the comfort is limited to the present."
  185. 1 2 Picirilli 2002, p. 203.
  186. Stanglin & Muller 2009.
  187. Cameron 1992, p. 226.
  188. 1 2 Grider 1982, pp. 55–56, . "Arminius used an ingenious device to teach [the possibility of Apostasy], so as not to seem to oppose Calvinism's eternal security doctrine head on and recklessly He admitted that believers cannot lose saving grace; but then he would add, quickly, that Christians can freely cease to believe, and that then they will lose saving grace. So, in a sense, believers cannot backslide; but Christians can cease to believe, and then, as unbelievers (but only as unbelievers), they lose their salvation"
  189. Arminius 1853b, "A Dissertation on the True and Genuine Sense of the Seventh Chapter of the Epistle to the Romans", pp. 219–220, [1599]
  190. Arminius 1853a, p. 665: "William Nichols notes: 'Arminius spoke nearly the same modest words when interrogated on this subject in the last Conference which he had with Gomarus [a Calvinist], before the states of Holland, on the 12th of Aug. 1609, only two months prior to his decease'".
  191. Oropeza 2000, p. 16: "Although Arminius denied having taught final apostasy in his Declaration of Sentiments, in the Examination of the Treatise of Perkins on the Order and Mode of Predestination [c. 1602] he writes that 'a person who is being 'built' into the church of Christ may resist the continuation of this process'. Concerning the believers, 'It may suffice to encourage them, if they know that no power or prudence can dislodge them from the rock, unless they of their own will forsake their position.'"
  192. Arminius 1853c, p. 455, "Examination of the Treatise of Perkins on the Order and Mode of Predestination", [c. 1602]
  193. Arminius 1853c, p. 458, "Examination of the Treatise of Perkins on the Order and Mode of Predestination", [c. 1602] "[The covenant of God (Jeremiah 23)] does not contain in itself an impossibility of defection from God, but a promise of the gift of fear, whereby they shall be hindered from going away from God so long as that shall flourish in their hearts."
  194. Arminius 1853c, pp. 463–464, "Examination of the Treatise of Perkins on the Order and Mode of Predestination", [c. 1602]
  195. Arminius 1853a, p. 667, Disputation 25, on Magistracy, [1602]
  196. Stanglin 2007, p. 137.
  197. Arminius 1853a, p. 388, Letter to Wtenbogaert, trans. as "Remarks on the Preceding Questions, and on those opposed to them", [1605]
  198. 1 2 Stanglin & McCall 2012, p. 190.
  199. Bangs 1960, p. 15.
  200. Oropeza 2000, p. 16: "If there is any consistency in Arminius' position, he did not seem to deny the possibility of falling away".
  201. Schaff 2007.
  202. Picirilli 2002, p. 198. "Ever since that early period, then, when the issue was being examined again, Arminians have taught that those who are truly saved need to be warned against apostasy as a real and possible danger."
  203. De Jong 1968, pp. 220 ff., art. 5, points 3–4: "True believers can fall from true faith and can fall into such sins as cannot be consistent with true and justifying faith; not only is it possible for this to happen, but it even happens frequently. True believers are able to fall through their own fault into shameful and atrocious deeds, to persevere and to die in them; and therefore finally to fall and to perish."
  204. Witzki 2010.
  205. Stanglin & McCall 2012, p. 174.
  206. Stanglin 2007, p. 139.
  207. Stanglin 2007, p. 138. "Like Arminius, the Remonstrants also confessed that true believers who had fallen away could be restored to repentance."
  208. De Jong 1968, pp. 220 ff., ch. 5.5: "Nevertheless, we do not believe that true believers, though they may sometimes fall into grave sins which are vexing to their consciences, immediately fall out of every hope of repentance; but we acknowledge that it can happen that God, according to the multitude of His mercies, may recall them through His grace to repentance; in fact, we believe that this happens not infrequently, although we cannot be persuaded that this will certainly and indubitably happen."
  209. Picirilli 2002, pp. 204 ff.
  210. Pinson 2002, p. 159.
  211. Pinson 2002, pp. 239–240. "the act of committing sin is not in itself ground for the loss of salvation [...] the loss of salvation is much more related to experiences that are profound and prolonged. Wesley sees two primary pathways that could result in a permanent fall from grace: unconfessed sin and the actual expression of apostasy."
  212. Pinson 2002, p. 280. "Certain passages in Wesley indicate that some instances of apostasy may be final and irremediable. Yet Wesley, in the end, argues that renewal is possible, even for those who have committed the apostasy discussed in passages such as Hebrews 6:4-6 and 1 Timothy 1:19"
  213. Wesley & Emory 1835, p. 247, "A Call to Backsliders". "[N]ot one, or a hundred only, but I am persuaded, several thousands [...] innumerable are the instances [...] of those who had fallen but now stand upright."
  214. Pinson 2002, p. 187. "Is loss of salvation remediable? Wesleyans would say yes."
  215. Moody 1990, p. 362. "On August 5, 1841, a funeral oration on John 6:37 by Edward Steane, [...] was called The Security of Believers. The term was introduced into Southern Baptist Landmarkism by J. R. Graves whose editorial on May 3, 1873 rejected the term "the perseverance of the saints" and proposed the term "security of believers." This was the title of a book by W. P. Bennett in 1895."
  216. Garrett, Hinson & Tull 1983, p. 98. "The clearest surviving aspect of the earlier Southern Baptist Calvinism is the doctrine of the perseverance of the saints, known as the security of the believer or by less apt, but popular wording, "once saved, always saved.""
  217. Leonard 1990, p. 67. "[...] many Southern Baptists are on-point Calvinists and four-point Arminians. Although retaining perseverance of the saints and thus rejecting the possibility that one might fall from grace, Baptists otherwise generally reflect an Arminian understanding of election, atonement, and free will".
  218. Marsden 1982, p. 44. "John Nelson Darby puzzled over how Moody could on the one hand accept the prophetic truths concerning God's sovereignty in history, and yet inconsistently allow room for a non-Calvinist view of human ability when it came to personal salvation"
  219. Pokki 1999, p. 40. "[M]oody wanted to synthesize Calvinism and Arminianism. Moody was a dispensationalist, [...]".
  220. Lehman 1956. "Eternal Security [...] as a special term was used by Walter Scott (Plymouth Brethren) as early as 1913 (Holness, 186). Under a section heading, "The Eternal Security of the Sheep," he writes, "Can my sins separate me from Christ or break the bond of eternal life? Impossible!"
  221. Olson 2004, p. 238. "Many Evangelicals, -Especially Baptists- believe in unconditional eternal security of true believers without basing it on a Calvinist foundation. For them, belief that true believers will persevere or be divinely preserved from permanently falling away from grace is based not on systematic theology but on biblical promises."
  222. Olson 2009, p. 73. "Determinism and indeterminism cannot be combined; we must choose one or the other. In the ultimate and final reality of things, people either have some degree of self-determination or they don't. Calvinism is a form of determinism. Arminians choose indeterminism largely because determinism seems incompatible with God's goodness and with the nature of personal relationships, which includes the very nature of salvation itself."
  223. Picirilli 2002, p. 193. "[A]ssurance is not dependent on a confidence that one cannot apostatize in the future. This may be the place to make a passing observation about those-especially sub-Calvinists who profess "eternal security" -who insist so strongly that they would have no assurance apart from believing that they can never again be lost. I submit that this is a misplaced assurance, an expression of confidence in a doctrine."
  224. Pinson 2002, pp. 138–139.
  225. Arminius 1853b, p. 192.
  226. Arminius 1853b, p. 219. The entire treatise occupies pp. 196–452
  227. Pawson 1996, p. 106.
  228. Pawson 1996, pp. 97–98, 106.
  229. Picirilli 2002, pp. 6 ff.
  230. Schwartz & Bechtold 2015, p. 165.
  231. Forlines 2011, pp. 20–24.
  232. Marko 2020, p. 772. "Those who did not think a prevenient grace was necessary for initial human response or that it was resistible came to be called semi-Pelagians by Protestants in the post Reformation period."
  233. Stanglin & McCall 2012, p. 62.
  234. Olson 2009, p. 30-31, 40-43, 79-81.
  235. Gonzalez 2014, p. 180.
  236. Olson 2009, pp. 31–34, 55–59.
  237. Olson 2009, p. 221. "There is no one Arminian doctrine of Christ's atonement. Many Arminians accept the penal substitution theory enthusiastically while others prefer the governmental theory."
  238. Green 2008, p. 166, . "As the New Testament has it, what happened on the cross had universal significance: for Jew and Gentile, for slave and free, for male and female. The work of Christ on the cross has as its object even the cosmos, giving rise to images of new creation and all-encompassing reconciliation."
  239. 1 2 Olson 2009, p. 159.
  240. 1 2 Grudem 1994, p. 692.
  241. Olson 2008, pp. 151–152. "So two main models of divine-creature relationship stand opposed to each other: compatibilist and noncompatibilist. The former is usually designated divine determinism and the latter is generally called free will theism. The best known form of the former is Calvinism; the best known form of the latter is Arminianism (at least among Protestants)."
  242. Alexander & Johnson 2016, p. 204: "It should be conceded at the outset, and without any embarrassment, that Calvinism is indeed committed to divine determinism: the view that everything is ultimately determined by God."
  243. Olson 2009, p. 68.
  244. Grudem 1994, p. 679. "Election Is Unconditional. It seems best, for the previous four reasons, to reject the idea that election is based on God’s foreknowledge of our faith."
  245. Grudem 1994, p. 970: "The Perseverance of the Saints means that all those who are truly born again will be kept by God's power and will persevere as Christians until the end of their lives, and that only those who persevere until the end have been truly born again."
  246. Stanglin 2007, pp. 192–193.
  247. Sanders 2007, "Summary of Openness of God".
  248. Picirilli 2002, pp. 40, 59 ff.. Picirilli actually objects so strongly to the link between Arminianism and open theism that he devotes an entire section to his objections.
  249. Walls & Dongell 2004, p. 45. "[O]pen theism actually moves beyond classical Arminianism towards process theology."
  250. Olson 2009, p. 199, note 67.

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