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Muslim legal scholars

Illustration of alim.
Scholars at an Abbasid library. Maqamat of al-Hariri. Illustration by Yahyá al-Wasiti, Baghdad, 1237.

In Islam, the ʿulamā (US: OO-lə-mah; also spelled ulema; Arabic: علماء, romanized: ʿulamāʾ; IPA: [ʕu.la.maːʔ]; lit. 'the learned ones';[1] singular عالم, ʿālim; [ʕaː.lim]),[2] also known as Shuyukh or Mawlawi, are scholars and judges of Islamic doctrine and law. They are considered the guardians, transmitters, interpreters and legislators of religious knowledge in Islam.[2]

"Ulama" may refer broadly to the educated class of such religious scholars, including theologians, canon lawyers (muftis), judges (qadis), professors, and high state religious officials. Alternatively, "ulama" may refer specifically to those holding governmental positions in an Islamic state.[3]

By longstanding tradition, ulama are educated in religious institutions (madrasas). The Quran and sunnah (authentic hadith) are the scriptural sources of traditional Islamic law.[4]

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Ijazah (diploma of competency) in Arabic calligraphy, written by 'Ali Ra'if Efendi in 1206 AH (1791 AD)

Students of Islamic doctrine do not seek out a specific educational institution, but rather seek to join renowned teachers.[5] By tradition, a scholar who has completed their studies is approved by their teacher. At the teacher's individual discretion, the student is given the permission for teaching and for the issuing of legal opinions (fatwa). The official approval is known as the ijazat at-tadris wa 'l-ifta (lit. 'license to teach and issue legal opinions').[6] Through time, this practice has established a chain of teachers and pupils who have become teachers in their own time.[7]

Places of learning

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Endowment Charter (Waqfiyya) of the Hürrem Sultan Mosque, Madrasa and Imaret (soup-kitchen). AD 1556–1557 (AH 964). Museum of Turkish and Islamic Arts[8]

The traditional place of higher education is the madrasa. The institution likely originated in Khurasan during the 10th century AD, and spread to other parts of the Islamic world from the late 11th century onwards.[9] The most famous early madrasas are the Sunni Niẓāmiyya, founded by the Seljuk vizir Nizam al-Mulk (1018–1092) in Iran and Iraq in the 11th century. The Mustansiriya, established by the Abbasid caliph Al-Mustansir in Baghdad in 1234 AD, was the first to be founded by a caliph, and also the first known to host teachers of all four major madhhab known at that time. From the time of the Persian Ilkhanate (1260–1335 AD) and the Timurid dynasty (1370–1507 AD) onwards, madrasas have often become part of an architectural complex which also includes a mosque, a Sufi ṭarīqa, and other buildings of socio-cultural function, like baths or a hospital.[9]

Madrasas are considered sacred places of learning. They may provide boarding and salaries to a limited number of teachers, and boarding for a number of students out of the revenue from religious endowments (waqf), allocated to a specific institution by the donor. In later times, the deeds of endowment were issued in elaborate Islamic calligraphy, as is the case for Ottoman endowment books (vakıf-name).[10] The donor could also specify the subjects to be taught, the qualification of the teachers, or which madhhab the teaching should follow.[9] Moreover, the donor is free to specify in detail the curriculum, as was shown by Ahmed and Filipovic (2004) for the Ottoman imperial madrasas founded by Suleiman the Magnificent.[11]

As Berkey (1992) has described in detail for the education in medieval Cairo, unlike medieval Western universities, in general madrasas have no distinct curriculum, and do not issue diplomas.[5] The educational activities of the madrasas focuses on the law, but also includes what Zaman (2010) called "Sharia sciences" (al-ʿulūm al-naqliyya) as well as the rational sciences like philosophy, astronomy, mathematics or medicine. The inclusion of these sciences sometimes reflects the personal interests of their donors, but also indicates that scholars often study various different sciences.[9]

Branches of learning

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Sufism

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Early on in Islamic history, a line of thought developed around the idea of mysticism, striving for the perfection (Ihsan) of worship.[12] During the first Islamic century, Hasan al-Basri (642–728 AD) was one of the first Muslim scholars to describe, according to Albert Hourani (1991) "the sense of the distance and nearness of God ... in the language of love". During the 7th century, the ritual of Dhikr evolved as a "way of freeing the soul from the distractions of the world". Important early scholars who further elaborated on mysticism were Harith al-Muhasibi (781–857 AD) and Junayd al-Baghdadi (835–910 AD).[12]

Philosophy and ethics

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The early Muslim conquests brought about Arab Muslim rule over large parts of the Hellenistic world. During the time of the Umayyad Caliphate, at latest, the scholars of the emerging Islamic society had become familiar with the classical philosophical and scientific traditions of the world they had conquered. The collection of classical works and their translation into the Arabian language[13] initiated a period which is known today as the Islamic Golden Age. According to Hourani (1991), the works of the classical scholars of antiquity were met with considerable intellectual curiosity by Islamic scholars. Hourani quotes al-Kindi (c. 801–873 AD), "the father of Islamic philosophy",[14] as follows:

We should not be ashamed to acknowledge truth from whatever source it comes to us, even if it is brought to us by former generations and foreign peoples. For him who seeks the truth there is nothing of higher value than truth itself.[15]

The works of Aristotle, in particular his Nicomachean Ethics, had a profound influence on the Islamic scholars of the Golden Age like Al-Farabi (870–950 AD), Abu al-Hassan al-Amiri (d. 992 AD) and Ibn Sina (ca. 980–1037 AD). In general, the Islamic philosophers saw no contradiction between philosophy and the religion of Islam. However, according to Hourani, al-Farabi also wrote that philosophy in its pure form was reserved for an intellectual elite, and that ordinary people should rely for guidance on the sharia. The distinction between a scholarly elite and the less educated masses "was to become a commonplace of Islamic thought".[16] As exemplified by the works of al-Razi (c. 865–925 AD), during later times, philosophy "was carried on as a private activity, largely by medical men, pursued with discretion, and often met with suspicion".[16]

The founder of Islamic philosophical ethics is Ibn Miskawayh (932–1030 AD)[17] He combined Aristotelian and Islamic ethics, explicitly mentioning the Nicomachean Ethics and its interpretation by Porphyry of Gaza as the foundation of his philosophical thoughts.[18]

In the 12th century, the early Islamic Neoplatonism which had developed out of Hellenistic philosophy was effectively criticised by al-Ghazali,[19] one of the most influential scholars of Islam.[20] In his works Tahāfut al-Falāsifa (The Incoherence of the Philosophers), Mizan al-'amal (Criterion of Action) and Kimiya-yi sa'ādat (The Alchemy of Happiness), he refuted the Philosophy of Ibn Sīnā, and demonstrated that the Aristotelian ethics is incompatible with Islamic ethics: The latter is based on the belief in God and in life after death, which together provide the foundation of action in the pursuit of sa'āda (Happiness).[21]

Law

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According to Shia Islam, the authority to interpret the messages of the Quran and the Hadith lies with the Imamah, a line of infallible interpreters of the truth. The Sunni majority, however, reject this concept and maintain that God's will has been completely revealed in the Quran and sunnah of the Prophet. The capacity of its interpretation lies with the ulama.[22]

By the eleventh century, the major schools of Sunni and Shia law (madhhab) had emerged. Whilst, historically, the schools were at times engaged in mutual conflicts, the differences became less controversial over time, and merely represent regional predominances today. The four most important Sunni schools are:[22]

Shia madhhab include the Ja'fari and Zaidi schools. Minor madhhab also mentioned in the Amman message[23] are the Ibadi and the Zahiri schools.

All Sunni madhhabs recognize four sources of sharia (divine law): the Quran, sunnah (authentic hadith), qiyas (analogical reasoning), and ijma (juridical consensus).[24] However, the madhhabs differ from each other in their conception of the Principles of Islamic jurisprudence, or uṣūl al-fiqh, as briefly summarised by Hourani (1991).[25] The Hanbalis accepted only the consensus of the Companions of the Prophet (aṣ-ṣaḥābah), which gave more leeway to independent reasoning (ijtihad) within the boundaries of the rules of qiyās. The Hanafis hold that strict analogy may at times be supported by a limited use of juristic preference (istihsan), whereas the Maliki school also allows pragmatic considerations in the interest of public welfare (istislah) are also acceptable.[25] Instead of the Sunni concept of analogy (qiyās), Shia ulama prefer "dialectical reasoning" ('Aql) to deduce law.[26]

The body of substantive jurisprudence (fiqh) defines the proper way of life through interpretation of sharia, which Muslims should follow if they want to live according to God's will. Over time, the madhhabs established "codes of conduct", examining human actions in the light of the Quran and Hadith. Supplementing the sharia were customs (ʿurf) within a given society. Islamic law and regional customs were not opposed to each other: In 15th century Morocco, qadis were allowed to use a process called ʻamal in order to choose from different juridical opinions one which applied best to the local customs, even if they were not supported by the consensus of the majority. More often, the use of sharia led to changes in local customs.[25]

Theology

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ʿIlm al-Kalām, the "science of discourse", also termed "Islamic theology", serves to explain and defend the doctrine of the Quran and Hadith.[27] The concept of kalām was introduced during the first Islamic centuries by the Muʿtazila school.[28] One of the most prominent scholars of the Muʿtazila was Abd al-Jabbar ibn Ahmad (935–1025 AD). From the 11th century on, the Muʿtazila was suppressed by the Sunni Abbasid Caliphate and the Seljuk Empire, but it continued playing an important role in the formation of Shia theology. The Ash'ari school encouraged the use of Kalām as the basis of fiqh, and was followed in this approach by parts of the Shafi'i madhhab. In contrast, the Hanbali and Maliki madhhabs discouraged theological speculation. Abu Mansur al-Maturidi (853–944 AD) developed his own form of Kalām, differing from the Ash'ari view in the question of Man's free will and God's omnipotence. Maturidi Kalām was often used in combination with Hanafi fiqh in the northwestern parts of the Islamic world.[25]

A distinct school of theology often called traditionalist theology emerged under the leadership of Ahmad ibn Hanbal in the early centuries of Islam among hadith scholars who rejected rationalistic argumentation.[29] In the wake of the Ash'arite synthesis between Mu'tazilite rationalism and Hanbalite literalism, its original form survived among a minority of mostly Hanbalite scholars.[30] While Ash'arism and Maturidism are often called the Sunni "orthodoxy", traditionalist theology has thrived alongside it, laying rival claims to be the orthodox Sunni faith.[31]

Islamic theology experienced further developments among Shia theologians.

[edit]

The study of, and commentaries on Quran and hadith, debates about ijtihad and taqlid and the issuing of fatwa as well as the use of Arabic, and later also Persian as common languages of discourse constituted the religious authority of the ulama throughout the entire Islamic world. Zaman[32] has demonstrated that, as personal contacts were key to acquiring knowledge, Islamic scholars sometimes travel far in search of knowledge (ṭalab al-ʿilm). Due to their common training and language, any scholars travelling from one region of the Islamic world to another can easily integrate themselves into the local Muslim community and hold offices there: The traveller Ibn Battuta (1304–1368 or 1369), born in Tangiers, Morocco, to a family of ulema, was appointed qadi by Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq of Delhi. Nuruddin ar-Raniri (d. 1658), born to a Gujarati Muslim family, travelled to, and worked as Shaykh ul-Islam in modern-day Indonesia under the protection of Iskandar Thani, Sultan of Aceh.[32] Both scholars were able to move freely in an "interconnected world of fellow scholars".[33] According to Zaman, their offices and positions as respected scholars were only questioned if they proved themselves unfamiliar with local customs (as happened to Ibn Battuta]), or met resistance from opponents with stronger local roots (ar-Raniri).[32]

Through their travels and teachings, ulama are able to transmit new knowledge and ideas over considerable distances. However, according to Zaman (2010), scholars have often been required to rely on commonly known texts which could support their fatwas. A text which might be widely known within the intellectual circles of one region could be unknown in another. The ability of scholars from one region to support their argument in another might therefore be limited by the familiarity with the respective texts of the community they are working in. In an era without book print or mass communication media, a scholar's reputation might have remain limited if he was unfamiliar with the local canon of texts. As the ijazah, the scholar's approval by another master, is key to the scholar's reputation, the latter would be greater in regions where the approving masters is more widely known.[34]

Modern challenges

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Some opinions from within the Muslim world have criticized the lack of scientific training of the ulama, and argued that those proficient in the sciences should qualify for this title.[101] In Egypt, Al-Azhar University has begun to introduce scientific and practical subjects in its traditional theological colleges to help the ulama face the challenges of the modern world.[102] Sudanese politician Hassan Al-Turabi argued, in his work The Islamic State,[103] that the ulama should not be limited to those versed in religious affairs but include experts in fields such as engineering, science, politics, and education, because all knowledge is divine and God-given.

Types of titles

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  • Hafiz, recites Quran by heart
  • Qāriʾ, who reads Quran with correct pronunciation
  • Mawlawi, who has done 12 years of Islamic studies and preaches Salah
  • Mir, who has all above titles, equivalent to doctorate degree
  • Mir ul Urah, who is above Mir
  • Mufti, issues fatwas
  • Grand Mufti, highest Mufti

See also

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References

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Notes

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  1. ↑ not to be confused with the television station Al-Manar

Citations

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  1. ↑ Brown, Jonathan A.C. (2014). Misquoting Muhammad: The Challenge and Choices of Interpreting the Prophet's Legacy. Oneworld Publications. p. 3. ISBN 978-1-78074-420-9. The ulama (literally, the learned ones);
  2. 1 2 Cl. Gilliot; R.C. Repp; K.A. Nizami; M.B. Hooker; Chang-Kuan Lin; J.O. Hunwick (2012). "Ulamā". In P. Bearman, P.; Bianquis, Th.; Bosworth, C.E.; van Donzel, E.; Heinrichs, W.P. (eds.). Encyclopaedia of Islam (2 ed.). Leiden: E.J. Brill. doi:10.1163/1573-3912_islam_COM_1278. ISBN 978-90-04-16121-4.
  3. ↑ "ʿulamāʾ (Islam)". Encyclopaedia Britannica. Retrieved 16 October 2023.
  4. ↑ Zaman, Muhammad Qasim (2007). The Ulama in Contemporary Islam: Custodians of Change. Princeton University Press. p. 1. ISBN 978-0-691-13070-5.
  5. 1 2 Berkey, Jonathan (1992). The transmission of knowledge in medieval Cairo: A social history of Islamic education. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. pp. 44–94. ISBN 978-0-691-63552-1. JSTOR j.ctt7zvxj4.
  6. ↑ Makdisi, George (April–June 1989). "Scholasticism and Humanism in Classical Islam and the Christian West". Journal of the American Oriental Society. 109 (2): 175–182 [175–77]. doi:10.2307/604423. JSTOR 604423.
  7. ↑ Graham, William (1993). "Traditionalism in Islam: An essay in interpretation". Journal of Interdisciplinary History. 23 (3): 495–522. doi:10.2307/206100. JSTOR 206100.
  8. ↑ "Endowment Charter (Waqfiyya) of Haseki Hürrem Sultan". Discover Islamic Art.
  9. 1 2 3 4 Zaman 2010, pp. 600–603.
  10. ↑ Rogers, J. M. (1995). "Religious endowments". Empire of the Sultans: Ottoman art from the collection of Nasser D. Khalili. London: Azimuth Editions/The Noor Foundation. pp. 82–91. ISBN 978-2-8306-0120-6.
  11. ↑ Ahmed, Shabab; Filipovich, Nenad (2004). "The sultan's syllabus: A curriculum for the Ottoman imperial medreses prescribed in a ferman of Qanuni I Süleyman, dated 973 (1565)". Studia Islamica. 98 (9): 183–218.
  12. 1 2 Hourani, Albert (2012). A history of the Arab peoples (New ed.). London: Faber. pp. 72_75. ISBN 978-0-571-28801-4.
  13. ↑ Sezgin, Fuat (1970). Geschichte des arabischen Schrifttums Bd. III: Medizin – Pharmazie – Zoologie – Tierheilkunde = History of the Arabic literature Vol. III: Medicine – Pharmacology – Veterinary Medicine. Leiden: E. J. Brill. pp. 3–4.
  14. ↑ Abboud, Tony (2006). Al-Kindi : the father of Arab philosophy. Rosen Pub. Group. ISBN 978-1-4042-0511-6.
  15. ↑ Hourani, Albert (2012). A history of the Arab peoples (New ed.). London: Faber. p. 76. ISBN 978-0-571-28801-4.
  16. 1 2 Hourani, Albert (2012). A history of the Arab peoples (New ed.). London: Faber. p. 78. ISBN 978-0-571-28801-4.
  17. ↑ Arkoun, M. (1993). "Miskawayh". In H. A. R. Gibb (ed.). The Encyclopaedia of Islam. Vol. 7 (New ed.). Leiden: E.J. Brill. pp. 143a–144b. ISBN 978-90-04-15610-4.
  18. ↑ Ibn Miskawayh: Refinement of Morals and Cleansing of Ethics. ʿAbdel-ʿAlim Salih (Ed.), Cairo 1326 (1908 AD), p. 10, cited after Elschazlī, Abū-Ḥamid Muḥammad al-Ghazālī. Aus dem Arab. übers., mit einer Einl., mit Anm. und Indices hrsg. von ʻAbd-Elṣamad ʻAbd-Elḥamīd (2006). Das Kriterium des Handelns : Criterion of Action (in German). Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. p. 52. ISBN 978-3-534-19039-3.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  19. ↑ Watt, W. Montgomery (1953). The Faith and Practice of Al-Ghazali. London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd.
  20. ↑ Janin, Hunt (2007). The pursuit of learning in the Islamic world, 610–2003 (repr. ed.). Jefferson, NC [etc.]: McFarland. p. 83. ISBN 978-0-7864-2904-2.
  21. ↑ Elschazlī, Abū-Ḥamid Muḥammad al-Ghazālī. Aus dem Arab. übers., mit einer Einl., mit Anm. und Indices hrsg. von ʻAbd-Elṣamad ʻAbd-Elḥamīd (2006). Das Kriterium des Handelns : Criterion of Action (in German). Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. p. 56. ISBN 978-3-534-19039-3.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  22. 1 2 Hourani, Albert (2012). A history of the Arab peoples (New ed.). London: Faber. p. 158. ISBN 978-0-571-28801-4.
  23. ↑ "Amman Message". Retrieved 30 April 2017.
  24. ↑
  25. 1 2 3 4 Hourani, Albert (2012). "The culture of the ʻulama". A history of the Arab peoples (New ed.). London: Faber. pp. 158–160. ISBN 978-0-571-28801-4.
  26. ↑ Esposito, John (2004). The Oxford Dictionary of Islam. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. p. 22. ISBN 978-0-19-512559-7.
  27. ↑ Winter, Tim J., ed. (2008). "Introduction". The Cambridge Companion to Classical Islamic Theology (3rd ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 4–5. ISBN 978-0-521-78549-5.
  28. ↑ Stelzer, Steffen A. J. (2008). "Ethics" (PDF). In Winter, Tim J. (ed.). The Cambridge Companion to Classical Islamic Theology (3rd ed.). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. p. 165. ISBN 978-0-521-78549-5. Archived from the original (PDF) on 11 October 2017. Retrieved 30 April 2017.
  29. ↑ Lapidus, Ira M. (2014). A History of Islamic Societies. Cambridge University Press (Kindle edition). p. 130.
  30. ↑ Lapidus, Ira M. (2014). A History of Islamic Societies. Cambridge University Press (Kindle edition). pp. 123–124.
  31. ↑
    • Brown, Jonathan A.C. (2009). Hadith: Muhammad's Legacy in the Medieval and Modern World. Oneworld Publications (Kindle edition). p. 180.
  32. 1 2 3 Zaman 2010, pp. 595–599.
  33. ↑ Zaman 2010, p. 598.
  34. ↑ Zaman 2010, pp. 603–606.
  35. ↑ Bulliet, Richard W. (2009). Cotton, Climate, and Camels in Early Islamic Iran: A Moment in World History. Columbia University Press. p. 139. ISBN 978-0231148368.
  36. ↑ Bulliet, Richard W. (2009). "Economy and Society in Early Islamic Iran". In Curtis, Vesta Sarkhosh; Stewart, Sarah (eds.). The Rise of Islam. The Idea of Iran. Vol. 4. I.B. Tauris. p. 58. ISBN 978-1845116910.
  37. ↑ Ansary, Tamim (2009). Destiny Disrupted. New York: Public Affairs. p. 50.
  38. ↑ Weiss, Bernard G. (2002). Studies in Islamic Legal Theory. Leiden: Brill. pp. 3, 161. ISBN 978-90-04-12066-2.
  39. ↑ Weiss (2002), p.162
  40. 1 2 Feldman, Noah (16 March 2008). "Why Shariah?". The New York Times. Retrieved 5 October 2008.
  41. 1 2 Zilfi, Madeline C. (2006). "The Ottoman Ulema". In Faroqhi, Suraiya N. (ed.). The Cambridge History of Turkey. Vol. 3: The Later Ottoman Empire 1603–1839. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press. p. 213. ISBN 978-0-521-62095-6.
  42. 1 2 Garthwaite, G.R. (2010). "Transition: The end of the old order – Iran in the eighteenth century". In Cook, Michael (ed.). The new Cambridge history of Islam. Vol. 3 (3rd ed.). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp. 504–525, see pp. 507–508. ISBN 978-0-521-51536-8.
  43. ↑ Eyyûbî (1991). Menâkib-i Sultan Süleyman (Risâle-i Pâdisçâh-nâme). Translated by Akkuş, Mehmet. Ankara: Kültür Bakanlığı. ISBN 978-975-17-0757-4.
  44. ↑ Gürzat Kami (2015). Understanding a sixteenth-century ottoman scholar-bureaucrat: Ali b. Bali (1527–1584) and his biographical dictionary Al-ʻIqd al-Manzum fi Dhikr Afazil al-Rum. M.A. Thesis. Istanbul: Graduate school of social sciences, İstanbul Şehir University. pp. 54–55. Retrieved 22 April 2017.
  45. ↑ Burak, Guy (2015). The second formation of Islamic Law. The Hanafi School in the Early Modern Ottoman Empire. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp. 65–100. ISBN 978-1-107-09027-9.
  46. ↑ Tijana Krstić (2011). Contested Conversions to Islam: Narratives of Religious Change in the Early Modern Ottoman Empire. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. p. 16. ISBN 978-0-8047-7785-8.
  47. ↑ İnalcik, Halil (2002). "Learning, the Medrese, and the Ulemas". The Ottoman Empire: The classical age 1300–1600 (2nd ed.). London: Phoenix Press. p. 167. ISBN 978-1-84212-442-0.
  48. ↑ Barkey, Karen (2008). Empire of Difference: The Ottomans in Comparative Perspective. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp. 102–103. ISBN 978-0-521-71533-1.
  49. ↑ Burak, Guy (2015). The second formation of Islamic Law. The Hanafi School in the Early Modern Ottoman Empire. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-107-09027-9.
  50. 1 2 Burak, Guy (2015). The second formation of Islamic Law. The Hanafi School in the Early Modern Ottoman Empire. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp. 21–64. ISBN 978-1-107-09027-9.
  51. ↑ Muṣṭafa b. Fatḫ Allāh al-Ḥamawi (2011). Fawāʿid al-irtiḫāl wa-natā'ij al-safar fi akhbār al-qarn al-ḥādī ʿashar. Beirut: Dār al-Nawadīr. p. 128., cited after Burak 2015, p. 48
  52. ↑ , cited after Burak, 2015
  53. ↑ Inalcik, Halil. 1973. "Learning, the Medrese, and the Ulemas." In the Ottoman Empire: The Classical Age 1300–1600. New York: Praeger, p. 171.
  54. ↑ Majer, Hans Georg (1978). Vorstudien zur Geschichte der İlmiye im Osmanischen Reich (in German). München: Trofenik. pp. 1–28. ISBN 978-3-87828-125-2.
  55. ↑ Repp, Richard Cooper (1986). The Müfti of Istanbul. A study in the development of the Ottoman learned hierarchy. London: Ithaka Press. p. 307. ISBN 978-0-86372-041-3.
  56. ↑ Burak, Guy (2015). The second formation of Islamic Law. The Hanafi School in the Early Modern Ottoman Empire. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. p. 47. ISBN 978-1-107-09027-9.
  57. 1 2 Imber, Colin (2006). "Government, administration and law". In Faroqhi, Suraiya N. (ed.). The Cambridge History of Turkey. Vol. 3. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp. 205–240, see p. 236–238. ISBN 978-0-521-62095-6.
  58. ↑ Barkey, Karen (2008). Empire of Difference: The Ottomans in Comparative Perspective. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. p. 134. ISBN 978-0-521-71533-1.
  59. ↑ Willem Floor, Edmund Herzig (2015). Iran and the World in the Safavid Age. I.B.Tauris. p. 20. ISBN 978-1-78076-990-5.
  60. ↑ Savory, Roger (2007). Iran under the Safavids. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. p. 30. ISBN 978-0-521-04251-2.
  61. ↑ Quinn, Sholeh A. (2010). "Iran under Safavid rule". In Cook, Michael (ed.). The new Cambridge history of Islam. Vol. 3 (3rd ed.). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp. 203–238, see p. 214. ISBN 978-0-521-51536-8.
  62. ↑ Quinn, Sholeh A. (2010). "Iran under Safavid rule". In Cook, Michael (ed.). The new Cambridge history of Islam. Vol. 3 (3rd ed.). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp. 221–224. ISBN 978-0-521-51536-8.
  63. 1 2 William L. Cleveland, Martin Bunton (2016). A history of the modern Middle East. New York: Perseus Books Group. pp. 73–75. ISBN 978-0-8133-4980-0.
  64. ↑ Garthwaite, G.R. (2010). "Transition: The end of the old order – Iran in the eighteenth century". In Cook, Michael (ed.). The new Cambridge history of Islam. Vol. 3 (3rd ed.). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp. 504–525, see p. 506. ISBN 978-0-521-51536-8.
  65. ↑ William L. Cleveland, Martin Bunton (2016). A history of the modern Middle East. New York: Perseus Books Group. pp. 104–110. ISBN 978-0-8133-4980-0.
  66. ↑ Ghazzal, Zhouhair (15 April 2008). Choueiri, Youssef M. (ed.). A Companion to the History of the Middle East. John Wiley & Sons. p. 81. ISBN 9781405152044. Retrieved 10 September 2015.
  67. 1 2 3 4 5 6
  68. ↑ Cairo, Maṭb. al-Manār, 1342/1924
  69. ↑ Schulze, Reinhard (2016). Geschichte der Islamischen Welt von 1900 bis zur Gegenwart (in German). München: C. H. Beck. pp. 111–117. ISBN 978-3-406-68855-3.
  70. 1 2 Al-Kawākibī's thoughts are cited as summarised in* Hourani, Albert (2001). Arabic thought in the liberal age, 1798–1939 (Reprinted ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 272–273. ISBN 978-0-521-27423-4.
  71. ↑ William L. Cleveland, Martin Bunton (2016). A history of the modern Middle East. New York: Perseus Books Group. p. 120. ISBN 978-0-8133-4980-0.
  72. ↑ Asyari, Suaidi (2010). Traditionalist vs. Modernist Islam in Indonesian Politics: Muhammadiyah (in German). Saarbrücken: VDM Verlag Dr. Müller. ISBN 978-3-639-22993-6.
  73. ↑ Esposito, John (2013). Oxford Handbook of Islam and Politics. OUP USA. p. 570. ISBN 9780195395891. Retrieved 24 April 2017.
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  84. 1 2 Pierret, Thomas (2013). Religion and state in Syria. The Sunni ulama from coup to revolution. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. p. 22. ISBN 978-1-107-60990-7.
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  86. ↑ Law Nr. 677 of 30 November 1925 concerning the prohibition and the closure of the dervish convents, monasteries and mausolea, the prohibition of the office of the mausoleum wardens and the awarding and holding of certain titles. T.C. Resmi Gazete Nr 243, 13 December 1925.
  87. ↑ Amanat, Abbas (1992). "CONSTITUTIONAL REVOLUTION i. Intellectual background". Encyclopaedia Iranica, Vol. VI, Fasc. 2. pp. 163–176.
  88. ↑ "Constitutional revolution". Encyclopaedia Iranica, Vol. VI, Fasc. 2. 1992. pp. 163–216.
  89. ↑ Pierret, Thomas (2013). Religion and state in Syria. The Sunni ulama from coup to revolution. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-107-60990-7.
  90. ↑ Pierret, Thomas (2013). Religion and state in Syria. The Sunni ulama from coup to revolution. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp. 35–37. ISBN 978-1-107-60990-7.
  91. ↑ Pierret, Thomas (2013). Religion and state in Syria. The Sunni ulama from coup to revolution. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. p. 39. ISBN 978-1-107-60990-7.
  92. ↑ Kepel, Gilles (2002). Jihad: The Trail of Political Islam. I.B.Tauris. p. 53. ISBN 9781845112578. Retrieved 10 September 2015.
  93. ↑ Zouhair, Ghazzal (15 April 2008). "The Ulama: Status and Function". A Companion to the History of the Middle East. John Wiley & Sons. p. 85. ISBN 9781405152044. Retrieved 10 September 2015.
  94. ↑ Commins, David (2009). The Wahhabi Mission and Saudi Arabia. I. B. Tauris. pp. 191–2. ISBN 978-1-84511-080-2.
  95. ↑ Saïd Amir Arjomand (2010). "Islamic resurgence and its aftermath". In Hefner, R. (ed.). The New Cambridge History of Islam. Vol. 6: Muslims and modernity. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press. pp. 191–192. ISBN 978-0-521-84443-7.
  96. ↑ Rahman, Tariq (2004). Denizens of Alien Worlds: A Study of Education, Inequality and Polarization in Pakistan. Oxford University Press. p. Section 5. ISBN 978-0-19-597863-6.
  97. ↑ Zaman, Muhammad Qasim (2007). The Ulama in Contemporary Islam: Custodians of Change. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-13070-5. Retrieved 10 September 2015.
  98. ↑ Henry, Clement M. (2010). "Population, urbanisation and the dialectics of globalisation". In Hefner, R. (ed.). The New Cambridge History of Islam. Vol. 6: Muslims and modernity. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press. pp. 79–86. ISBN 978-0-521-84443-7.
  99. ↑ Rashid, Ahmed (2002). Taliban: Islam, Oil and the New Great Game in Central Asia. I.B. Tauris & Co Ltd. pp. 77, 83, 139. ISBN 978-1-86064-830-4.
  100. ↑ Bunglawala, Inayat (March 2011). "Islam must engage with science, not deny it". The Guardian.
  101. ↑ Hanif̉, N. (1997). Islam and Modernity. Sarup & Sons. p. 318. ISBN 9788176250023.
  102. ↑ Al-Turabi, H., Sardar, Z., Jamal, M. and Zuber, M., (1983) The Islamic State. Voices of Resurgent Islam, 241.
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