◐ Shell
reader mode source ↗
Jump to content
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
(Redirected from Pitch accent)
Language that uses pitch changes for accent

A pitch-accent language is a type of language that, when spoken, has certain syllables in words or morphemes that are prominent, as indicated by a distinct contrasting pitch (linguistic tone) rather than by volume or length, as in some other languages like English. Pitch-accent languages also contrast with fully tonal languages like Vietnamese, Central Thai and Standard Chinese, in which practically every syllable can have an independent tone. Some scholars have claimed that the term "pitch accent" is not coherently defined and that pitch-accent languages are a sub-category of tonal languages in general.[1]

Languages that have been described as pitch-accent languages include: most dialects of Serbo-Croatian, Slovene, Baltic languages, Ancient Greek, Vedic Sanskrit, Tlingit, Turkish, Japanese, Limburgish, Norwegian, Swedish, Western Basque,[2] Yaqui,[3] certain dialects of Korean, Shanghainese,[4] and Livonian.

Pitch-accent languages tend to fall into two categories: those with a single pitch-contour (for example, high, or high–low) on the accented syllable, such as Tokyo Japanese, Western Basque, or Persian; and those in which more than one pitch-contour can occur on the accented syllable, such as Punjabi, Swedish, or Serbo-Croatian. In this latter kind, the accented syllable is also often stressed another way.

Some of the languages considered pitch-accent languages, in addition to accented words, also have accentless words (e.g., Japanese and Western Basque); in others all major words are accented (e.g., Blackfoot and Barasana).[5]

The term "pitch accent" is also used to denote a different feature, namely the use of pitch when speaking to give selective prominence (accent) to a syllable or mora within a phrase.[6]

Characteristics of pitch-accent languages

[edit]

Definitions

[edit]

Scholars give various definitions of a pitch-accent language. A typical definition is as follows: "Pitch-accent systems [are] systems in which one syllable is more prominent than the other syllables in the same word, a prominence that is achieved by means of pitch" (Zanten & Dol 2010, p. 120). That is to say, in a pitch-accent language, in order to indicate how a word is pronounced it is necessary, as with a stress-accent language, to mark only one syllable in a word as accented, not specify the tone of every syllable. This feature of having only one prominent syllable in a word or morpheme is known as culminativity.[7]

Another property suggested for pitch-accent languages to distinguish them from stress languages is that "Pitch accent languages must satisfy the criterion of having invariant tonal contours on accented syllables ... This is not so for pure stress languages, where the tonal contours of stressed syllables can vary freely" (Hayes 1995, p. 50). Although this is true of many pitch-accent languages, there are others, such as the Franconian dialects, in which the contours vary, for example between declarative and interrogative sentences.[8]

According to another proposal, pitch-accent languages can only use F0 (i.e., pitch) to mark the accented syllable, whereas stress languages may also use duration and intensity (Beckman 1986). However, other scholars disagree, and find that intensity and duration can also play a part in the accent of pitch-accent languages (Levi 2005).

A feature considered characteristic of stress-accent languages is that a stress-accent is obligatory, that is, that every major word has to have an accent.[9]: 35  This is not always true of pitch-accent languages, some of which, like Japanese and Northern Bizkaian Basque, have accentless words. But there are also some pitch-accent languages in which every word has an accent.[5]

One feature shared between pitch-accent languages and stress-accent languages is demarcativeness: prominence peaks tend to occur at or near morpheme edges (word/stem initial, word/stem penult, word/stem final).[10]

Often, however, the difference between a pitch-accent language, a stress-accent language, and tonal language is not clear. "It is, in fact, often not straightforward to decide whether a particular pitch system is best described as tonal or accentual. ... Since raised pitch, especially when it coincides with vowel length, makes a syllable perceptually more prominent, it can often require detailed phonetic and phonological analysis to disentangle whether pitch is playing a more stress-like or a more tone-like role in a particular language" (Downing 2010, p. 382).

Hyman (2009) argues that tone is made up of a variety of different typological features, which can be mixed and matched with some independence from each other. Hyman claims that there can be no coherent definition of pitch-accent, as the term describes languages that have non-prototypical combinations of tone system properties (or both a tone system, usually still non-prototypical, and a stress system simultaneously). Since all pitch-accent languages can be analysed just as well in purely tonal terms, in Hyman's view, the term "pitch-accent" should be superseded by a wider understanding of what qualifies as a tone system - thus, all "pitch-accent" languages are tone languages, and there is simply more variety within tone systems than has historically been admitted.[11]

Characteristics of the accent

[edit]

High vs. low accent

[edit]

When one particular tone is marked in a language in contrast to unmarked syllables, it is usual for it to be a high tone. There are, however, a few languages in which the marked tone is a low tone, for example the Dogrib language of northwestern Canada,[12] the Kansai dialect of Japanese, and certain Bantu languages of the Congo such as Ciluba and Ruund.[13]

Disyllabic accents

[edit]

One difference between a pitch accent and a stress accent is that it is not uncommon for a pitch accent to be realised over two syllables. Thus in Serbo-Croatian, the difference between a "rising" and a "falling" accent is observed only in the pitch of the syllable following the accent: the accent is said to be "rising" if the following syllable is as high as or higher than the accented syllable, but "falling" if it is lower (see Serbo-Croatian phonology#Pitch accent).[14]

In Vedic Sanskrit, the ancient Indian grammarians described the accent as being a high pitch (udātta) followed by a falling tone (svarita) on the following syllable; but occasionally, when two syllables had merged, the high tone and the falling tone were combined on one syllable.[15][16]

In Standard Swedish, the difference between accent 1 and accent 2 can only be heard in words of two or more syllables, since the tones take two syllables to be realised. In Värmland as well as Norrland accent 1 and 2 can be heard in monosyllabic words however. In the central Swedish dialect of Stockholm, citation forms of words with accent 1 have a LHL contour and a HLHL contour when marked with accent 2, with an additional peak in the second syllable.[17]: 38–9 

In Welsh, in most words the accent is realised as a low tone on the penultimate syllable (which is also stressed) followed by a high tone on the final; but in some dialects this LH contour may take place entirely within the penultimate syllable.[18]

Similarly in the Chichewa language of Malawi a tone on a final syllable often spreads backwards to the penultimate syllable, so that the word Chichewá is actually pronounced Chichēwā with two mid-tones,[19] or Chichěwā, with a rising tone on the penultimate syllable. Sentence-finally it can become Chichěwà with a rising tone on the penultimate and a low tone on the final.[20][21]: 500 

Peak delay

[edit]

A phenomenon observed in a number of languages, both fully tonal ones and those with pitch-accent systems, is peak delay.[22] In this, the high point (peak) of a high tone does not synchronise exactly with the syllable itself, but is reached at the beginning of the following syllable, giving the impression that the high tone has spread over two syllables. The Vedic Sanskrit accent described above has been interpreted as an example of peak delay.[23]

One-mora accents

[edit]

Conversely, a pitch accent in some languages can target just part of a syllable, if the syllable is bi-moraic. Thus in Luganda, in the word Abagânda "Baganda people" the accent is considered to occur on the first mora of the syllable ga(n), but in Bugáńda "Buganda (region)" it occurs on the second half (with spreading back to the first half).[24][25] In Ancient Greek, similarly, in the word οἶκοι (oîkoi) "houses" the accent is on the first half of the syllable oi, but in οἴκοι (oíkoi) "at home" on the second half.[26] An alternative analysis is to see Luganda and Ancient Greek as belonging to the type of languages where there is a choice of different contours on an accented syllable.

[edit]

Anticipation

[edit]

In some pitch-accent languages, the high pitch of the accent can be anticipated in the preceding syllable or syllables, for example, Japanese atámá ga "head", Basque lagúnén amúma "the friend's grandmother", Turkish sínírlénmeyecektiniz "you would not get angry",[5] Belgrade Serbian pápríka "pepper",[27]: 230–1  Ancient Greek ápáítéì "it demands".[28]

[edit]

Forwards spreading of a tone is also common in some languages. For example, in the Northern Ndebele language of Zimbabwe, the tonal accent on the prefix ú- spreads forward to all the syllables in the word except the last two: úkúhleka "to laugh"; úkúhlékísana "to make one another laugh". Sometimes the sequence HHHH then becomes LLLH, so that in the related language Zulu, the equivalent of these words is ukúhleka and ukuhlekísana with an accent shifted to the antepenultimate syllable.[21]: 498 

In Yaqui, the accent is signalled by an upstep before the accented syllable. The high pitch continues after the accent, declining slightly, until the next accented syllable.[29] Thus it is the opposite of Japanese, where the accent is preceded by high pitch, and its position is signalled by a downstep after the accented syllable.

Plateau between accents

[edit]

In other languages the high pitch of an accent, instead of dropping to a low on the following syllable, in some circumstances can continue in a plateau to the next accented syllable, as in Luganda kírí mú Búgáńda "it is in Buganda" (contrast kíri mu Bunyóró "it is in Bunyoro", in which Bunyóró is unaccented apart from automatic default tones).[30]

Plateauing is also found in Chichewa, where in some circumstances a sequence of HLH can change to HHH. For example, ndí + njingá "with a bicycle" makes ndí njíngá with a plateau.[31]

In Western Basque and Luganda, the default high tones automatically added to accentless words can spread in a continuous plateau through the phrase as far as the first accent, for example, in Basque Jonén lágúnén ámúma "John's friend's grandmother",[32]: 161  Luganda abántú mú kíbúga "people in the city".[33]

Simple pitch-accent languages

[edit]

According to the first two criteria above, the Tokyo dialect of Japanese is often considered a typical pitch-accent language, since the pronunciation of any word can be specified by marking just one syllable as accented, and in every word the accent is realised by a fall in pitch immediately after the accented syllable. In the examples below the accented syllable is marked in bold (the particle ga indicates that the word is subject):[11]

  • mákura ga "pillow"
  • anáta ga "you"
  • atámá ga "head"
  • sakáná gá "fish" (unaccented)

In Japanese there are also other high-toned syllables, which are added to the word automatically, but these do not count as accents, since they are not followed by a low syllable. As can be seen, some of the words in Japanese have no accent.

In Proto-Indo-European and its descendant, Vedic Sanskrit, the system is comparable to Tokyo Japanese and Cupeño in most respects, specifying pronunciation through inherently accented morphemes such as *-ró- and *-tó- (Vedic -rá- and -tá-) and inherently unaccented morphemes.[34] The examples below demonstrate the formation of such words using morphemes:

  • PIE */h2erǵ-ró-(o)s/ > *h2r̥ǵrós "shining" (Vedic r̥jrás)
  • PIE */ḱlew-tó-(o)s/ > *ḱlutós "heard (of), famous" (Vedic śrutás)

If there are multiple accented morphemes, the accent is determined by specific morphophonological principles. Below is a comparison of Vedic, Tokyo Japanese and Cupeño regarding accent placement:

  • Vedic /gáv-ā́/ > gáv-ā "with the cow"
  • Japanese /yón-dára/ > yón-dara "if (he) reads"
  • Cupeño /ʔáyu-qá/ > ʔáyu-qa "(he) wants"

The Basque language has a system very similar to Japanese. In some Basque dialects, as in Tokyo Japanese, there are accented and unaccented words; in other dialects all major words have an accent.[32]: 159  As with Japanese, the accent in Basque consists of a high pitch followed by a fall on the next syllable.

Turkish is another language often considered a pitch-accent language (see Turkish phonology#Word-accent). In some circumstances, for example in the second half of a compound, the accent can disappear.

Persian has also been called a pitch-accent language in recent studies, although the high tone of the accent is also accompanied by stress; and as with Turkish, in some circumstances the accent can be neutralised and disappear.[35][37] Because the accent is both stressed and high-pitched, Persian can be considered intermediate between a pitch-accent language and a stress-accent language.

More complex pitch accents

[edit]

In some simple pitch-accent languages, such as Ancient Greek, the accent on a long vowel or diphthong could be on either half of the vowel, making a contrast possible between a rising accent and a falling one; compare οἴκοι (oíkoi) "at home" vs. οἶκοι (oîkoi) "houses".[26] Similarly in Luganda, in bimoraic syllables a contrast is possible between a level and falling accent: Bugáńda "Buganda (region)", vs. Abagânda "Baganda (people)". However, such contrasts are not common or systematic in these languages.

In more complex types of pitch-accent languages, although there is still only one accent per word, there is a systematic contrast of more than one pitch-contour on the accented syllable, for example, H vs. HL in the Colombian language Barasana,[5] accent 1 vs. accent 2 in Swedish and Norwegian, rising vs. falling tone in Serbo-Croatian, and a choice between level (neutral), rising, and falling in Punjabi.

Other languages deviate from a simple pitch accent in more complicated ways. For example, in describing the Osaka dialect of Japanese, it is necessary to specify not only which syllable of a word is accented, but also whether the initial syllable of the word is high or low.[11]

In Luganda the accented syllable is usually followed immediately after the HL of the accent by an automatic default tone, slightly lower than the tone of the accent, e.g., túgendá "we are going"; however, there are some words such as bálilabá "they will see", where the automatic default tone does not follow the accent immediately but after an interval of two or three syllables. In such words it is therefore necessary to specify not only which syllable has the accent, but where the default tone begins.[38]

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]
  1. ↑ The corresponding terms for Rhinelandic tone accents are as follows:
    Accent 1 (T1)Accent 2 (T2)
    e.g.zɛɪ1 'sieve'zɛɪ2 'she'
    German
    terms    		 Schärfung (+Schärfung)(−Schärfung)
    geschärft (+geschärft)ungeschärft (−geschärft)
    StoßtonSchleifton
    Dutch
    terms    		 stoottoonsleeptoon
    hoge toonvaltoon
    The Dutch terms hoge toon and valtoon are misnomers for Colognian.
  2. ↑ For example the accentual systems of the spoken dialects (completely for Kajkavian, partially for Čakavian) of the Croatian capital Zagreb and the city of Rijeka[citation needed] are stress-based and do not use distinctive vowel length or pitch accent.

Citation

[edit]
  1. ↑ Hyman, Larry (2006). "Word-Prosodic Typology" (PDF). Phonology. 23 (2). Cambridge University Press: 225–257. doi:10.1017/S0952675706000893.
  2. 1 2 Hualde, J. I. (1986). "Tone and stress in Basque: A preliminary study". Anuario del Seminario de Filología Vasca "Julio de Urquijo". XX (3): 867–896. doi:10.1387/asju.7813. ISSN 2444-2992.
  3. 1 2 3 Demers, Richard; Escalante, Fernando; Jelinik, Eloise (1999). "Prominence in Yaqui Words". International Journal of American Linguistics. 65 (1): 40–55. doi:10.1086/466375. JSTOR 1265972. S2CID 144693748.
  4. ↑ Chen (2000), p. 223.
  5. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Levi, Susannah V. (2005). "Acoustic correlates of lexical accent in Turkish". Journal of the International Phonetic Association. 35 (1): 73–97. doi:10.1017/S0025100305001921. ISSN 1475-3502. S2CID 145460722.
  6. ↑ Gordon (2014), pp. 84–5.
  7. 1 2 Downing (2010), p. 411.
  8. 1 2 3 4 Köhnlein, Björn (2013). "Optimizing the relation between tone and prominence: Evidence from Franconian, Scandinavian, and Serbo-Croatian tone accent systems" (PDF). Lingua. 131: 1–28. doi:10.1016/j.lingua.2013.03.002.
  9. ↑ Hyman, Larry M. (2012). "Do all languages have word-accent?" (PDF). UC Berkeley PhonLab Annual Report. 8: 32–54. doi:10.5070/P70956402p.
  10. ↑ Downing & Mtenje (2017), p. 133.
  11. 1 2 3 4 5 Hyman, Larry (2009). "How (not) to do phonological typology: the case of pitch-accent" (PDF). Language Sciences. 31 (2–3): 213–238. doi:10.1016/j.langsci.2008.12.007.
  12. ↑ Hyman, L. (12–16 December 2000). "Privative Tone in Bantu" (PDF). Symposium on Tone. Tokyo. (draft)
  13. ↑ Nash, J.A. (1994). "Underlying Low Tones in Ruwund". Studies in African Linguistics. 23 (3): 223–278. doi:10.32473/sal.v23i3.107413.
  14. ↑ Zec, D.; Zsiga, E. (2010). "Interaction of Tone and Stress in Standard Serbian" (PDF). Formal Approaches to Slavic Linguistics. 18. Ann Arbor: Michigan Slavic Publications: 535–555.
  15. ↑ Whitney (1889), §§81–3.
  16. ↑ Allen (1987), p. 121.
  17. ↑
  18. 1 2 Cooper (2015), p. 165.
  19. ↑ Louw (1987), pp. 22, 60.
  20. ↑ Downing & Mtenje (2017), p. 119.
  21. 1 2 Hyman, L.M. (2007). "Tone: Is it different?" (PDF). UC Berkeley PhonLab Annual Report. 3. doi:10.5070/P71SR5F98X. (draft)
  22. ↑ Yip (2002), pp. 8–9.
  23. 1 2 3 Beguš, Gašper (2016). Jamison, Stephanie W.; Melchert, H. Craig; Vine, Brent (eds.). "The Phonetics of the Independent Svarita in Vedic" (PDF). Proceedings of the 26th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference. Bremen: Hempen: 1–12.
  24. ↑ Kamoga & Stevick (1968), pp. ix–x.
  25. ↑ Dutcher & Paster (2008), p. ?.
  26. 1 2 Smyth (1984), §169.
  27. ↑ Inkelas, Sharon; Zec, Draga (June 1988). "Serbo-Croatian Pitch Accent: The Interaction of Tone, Stress, and Intonation". Language. 64 (2). Linguistic Society of America: 227–248. doi:10.2307/415433. JSTOR 415433.
  28. ↑ Seikilos epitaph line 4. See also: Devine, A.M.; Stephens, Laurence D. (1991). "Dionysius of Halicarnassus, De Compositione Verborum XI: Reconstructing the Phonetics of the Greek Accent". Transactions of the American Philological Association. 121: 229–286. doi:10.2307/284454. JSTOR 284454.
  29. 1 2 3 Hagberg, Larry (3 October 2008). "An Acoustic Analysis of Yaqui Stress" (PDF). Friends of Uto-Aztecan. University of Arizona. Archived from the original (PDF) on 13 January 2023.
  30. ↑ Kamoga & Stevick (1968), pp. 29, 105.
  31. ↑ Downing & Mtenje (2017), p. 122.
  32. 1 2 3 Hualde, José Ignacio (2006). "Remarks on Word-Prosodic Typology". Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society. 32 (1): 157. doi:10.3765/bls.v32i1.3452.
  33. ↑ Kamoga & Stevick (1968), p. xviii.
  34. ↑ Lundquist & Yates (2017), §3.1.
  35. 1 2 3
  36. ↑ Hosseini (2014), p. 35 ; 22f for a review of the literature
  37. 1 2 Hyman, Larry M.; Katamba, Francis X. (1993). "A new approach to tone in Luganda". Language. 69 (1): 33–67. doi:10.2307/416415. JSTOR 416415.
  38. ↑ Fortson (2004), p. 62.
  39. ↑ Ruppell (2017), pp. 25–6.
  40. ↑ Allen (1987), pp. 116–120.
  41. ↑ Probert (2003), p. 17.
  42. ↑ Allen (1987), p. 117.
  43. ↑ Allen (1987), p. 130.
  44. ↑ Oleg Poljakov (1997). "Über Herkunft und Entwicklung der Silbenakzente im Lettischen". Baltistica (in German). 32 (1): 57–69. doi:10.15388/baltistica.32.1.402.
  45. ↑ Dahl & Koptjevskaja-Tamm (2001), p. 736.
  46. 1 2 Kortlandt, Frederik (1998). "The rise and fall of glottalization in Baltic and Slavic". Linguistica Baltica. 7: 147–150. hdl:1887/1935.
  47. 1 2 3 Kortmann & Auwera (2011, p. 6): "Both Latvian and Lithuanian are pitch languages. In Lithuanian, stressed long vocalic segments (long vowels, diphthongs, and sequences of vowel plus sonorant) show a distinctive opposition of rising and falling pitch, cf. kar̃tų 'time:gen.pl' vs. kártų 'hang:irr.3'. In standard Latvian (and some of the dialects), long vocalic sequences (of the same type as in Lithuanian) distinguish three varieties of pitch: 'even', 'falling', and 'broken' ('broken pitch' being a falling pitch with superadded glottalisation). They are fully differentiated in stressed syllables only: unstressed syllables have an opposition of glottalised and non-glottalised long vocalic segments. Segments with 'even' pitch are ultra long. Neither Lithuanian nor Latvian mark pitch in their standard orthography."
  48. ↑ Masļanska & Rubīna (1992, p. 11): В латышском языке имеется слоговая интонация, которая может быть протяжной (~), прерывистой (^) и нисходящей (\). В некоторых случаях интонация имеет смыслоразличительное значение, например: zãle ("зал"), zâle ("трава"), zàles ("лекарство")
  49. 1 2 Kiparsky (2017, p. 220): "(..)what is the historical relationship between the Livonian stød and the identical or at least very similar "Stosston" intonation of the coterritorial Latvian language? Almost certainly one of them got it from the other. The languages have influenced each other in many ways, in both directions. But which way did the influence go in this case? Scholarly opinion on this question is divided. Thomson (1890: 59) and Kettunen (1925: 4) thought that Livonian had borrowed the stød from Latvian, whereas Posti (1942: 325) thought that Latvian got it from Livonian. My conclusion that the Livonian stød is a tonal feature is more consonant with the former view. Livonian is the only Uralic language known to have a tonal or pitch accent, while it is a feature of several branches of Indo-European, including Balto-Slavic in particular. On the hypothesis that Livonian got its stød under the influence of Latvian, we account for the Livonian stød by language contact, and for the Latvian stød as a Baltic inheritance.
  50. ↑ Fournier, Rachel; Gussenhoven, Carlos; Peters, Jörg; Swerts, Marc; Verhoeven, Jo. "The tones of Limburg". The Interaction between Tone and Intonation in Limburgian Dialects. hdl:2066/42960. Archived from the original on 26 February 2012. Retrieved 26 February 2012.
  51. ↑ Goosens (2003), pp. 37–8.
  52. 1 2 3 Vaan, M. de (1999). "Towards an Explanation of the Franconian Tone Accents". Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik. 52: 23–44. doi:10.1163/18756719-051-01-90000004. hdl:1887/14124.
  53. ↑ Vaan (2003), p. ?.
  54. 1 2 Herrwegen (2002), pp. 266–9.
  55. ↑ Smiljanic (2013), p. 22.
  56. ↑ Smiljanic (2004), p. ?.
  57. ↑ Brown, Wayles; Alt, Theresa (2004). "A Handbook of Bosnian, Serbian and Croatian". Duke University: Slavic and Eurasian Language Resource Center (SEELRC).
  58. ↑ Hualde, J. I. (1987). "A theory of pitch-accent, with particular attention to Basque". Anuario del Seminario de Filología Vasca "Julio de Urquijo". XXII (3): 915–919. doi:10.1387/asju.8019. ISSN 2444-2992.
  59. 1 2 Elordieta, Gorka (2011). Aurrekoetxea, Gotzon; Gaminde, Iñaki (eds.). "Basque Word Accents in the Sentence" (PDF). Symposium on Prosody and Education. Bilbao: University of the Basque Country Press: 47–62. Archived from the original (PDF) on 4 July 2018.
  60. ↑ Lee, Gordon & Büring (2007), p. 5.
  61. 1 2 Hualde (2007), p. 300.
  62. ↑ Arregi, Karlos (2006). "Stress and Islands in Northern Bizkaian Basque" (PDF). Anuario del Seminario de Filología Vasca "Julio de Urquijo". XL (1–2): 81–106. doi:10.1387/asju.4374. hdl:10810/49363.
  63. 1 2 Kabak, B.; Vogel, I. (2001). "The phonological word and stress assignment in Turkish" (PDF). Phonology. 18 (3): 315–360. doi:10.1017/S0952675701004201. JSTOR 4420202. Archived from the original (PDF) on 1 April 2018.
  64. ↑ Inkelas, S.; Orgun, C.O. (2003). "Squibs and replies Turkish stress : A review" (PDF). Phonology. 20 (1): 139–161. doi:10.1017/S0952675703004482. JSTOR 4420243. S2CID 16215242. Archived from the original (PDF) on 1 April 2018.
  65. ↑ Özçelik, Öner (2016). "The Foot is not an obligatory constituent of the Prosodic Hierarchy: "stress" in Turkish, French and child English" (PDF). The Linguistic Review. 34 (1): 157–213. doi:10.1515/tlr-2016-0008. Archived (PDF) from the original on 19 September 2020.
  66. ↑ Kabak, Barış (October 2016). "Refin(d)ing Turkish stress as a multifaceted phenomenon" (PDF). 2nd Conference on Central Asian Languages and Linguistics (ConCALL2) (handout). Indiana University. Archived from the original (PDF) on 1 April 2018.
  67. ↑ Pierrehumbert & Beckman (1988).
  68. ↑ Jun, Jongho; Kim, Jungsun; Lee, Hayoung; Jun, Sun-Ah (2006). "The Prosodic Structure and Pitch Accent of Northern Kyungsang Korean" (PDF). Journal of East Asian Linguistics. 15 (4): 289–317. doi:10.1007/s10831-006-9000-2. S2CID 18992886.
  69. ↑ Greenberg, J.H. (1948). "The Tonal System of Proto-Bantu". WORD. 4 (3): 196–208. doi:10.1080/00437956.1948.11659343.
  70. ↑ Hyman, L. M. (2017). "Bantu Tone Overview" (PDF). UC Berkeley PhonLab Annual Report. 13. doi:10.5070/P7131040751.
  71. 1 2 Hyman, L. M; Mtenje, Al (1999). "Non-etymological high tones in the Chichewa verb". Malilime: Malawian Journal of Linguistics. 1: 121–156. ISSN 1562-1820.
  72. ↑ Downing (2012), p. 123.
  73. ↑ Downing (2010), p. 416.
  74. ↑ Nash, J.A. (1994). "Underlying Low Tones in Ruwund" (PDF). Studies in African Linguistics. 23 (3): 226. doi:10.32473/sal.v23i3.107413.
  75. ↑ Kamoga & Stevick (1968), Introduction.
  76. ↑ Downing & Mtenje (2017), Chapter 6.
  77. ↑ Louw (1987), p. ?.
  78. ↑ Downing & Mtenje (2017), Chapter 7.
  79. ↑ Wee, Lian-Hee (2016). "Tone assignment in Hong Kong English" (PDF). Language. 92 (2). e67–e87. doi:10.1353/lan.2016.0039.
  80. ↑ Lass (2002), p. 112.
  81. ↑ Hannahs (2013), p. 42.
  82. ↑ Willis (2010), p. 122.
  83. ↑ Oftedal (1956), pp. 25–26.
  84. ↑ Oftedal (1956), pp. 26–27.
  85. ↑ Ternes, Elmar (1973). The phonemic analysis of Scottish Gaelic: based on the dialect of Applecross, Ross-shire. Hamburg: Helmut Buske.
  86. ↑ Scouller, Alastair (2017). The Gaelic Dialect of Colonsay (PhD thesis) (Thesis). Edinburgh: University of Edinburgh.

Bibliography

[edit]
[edit]
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Pitch-accent_language&oldid=1353300517"